HIS real name is Pushpa Kumar Dahal, but he was known as "Prachanda," meaning "fierce one." He launched a relentless armed struggle from 1996, bent upon abolishing the monarchy and turning the impoverished country into a republic. Monarchy has been done away with sometime ago. Rather paradoxically, the once dreaded "Maoists" are at the vanguard of the remarkable changes.
The former rebel leader is now the prime minister of the country. Definitely, this is another momentous occasion for Nepal. Now Nepal has an elected legislature, a ceremonial elected president and a new prime minister. It has embarked upon a new phase in its journey. The change is certainly glorious regardless of what is in store in the future.
Nepal consigned the monarchy to the history books by turning the nation into a republic, in line with the pledges that the Maoists and the political parties made before the last elections. The ultras and other major political parties added a glorious chapter in their quest for transforming the Hindu kingdom into a secular republic.
Not long ago, a remarkable democratic victory was achieved in Nepal. King Gyanendra capitulated, and finally agreed to reconvene the elected parliament which he had dissolved in 2002.
Nepal introduced Westminster type democracy in 1990, ending the more than two centuries old monarchy, but was later robbed off this system. Some politicians were also to blame for the situation as they failed to live up to the people's expectations because of their unbridled corruption and abuse of power. The king exploited this situation to grab absolute authority for the throne once again, but his repressive rule and lust for power and wealth once again turned the masses against him and, consequently, Nepal reverted to representative rule.
The seven-party government headed by Prime Minister G.P. Koirala faced two main problems when elected government was restored. First, the monarchy issue as the government was vacillating on the matter. The alliance carried out the anti-king movement in collusion with the Maoists, who were totally opposed to the existence of monarchy in any form and wanted to make the country a "People's Republic." The political parties were somewhat at variance with the radicals on this issue. The monarchy debate posed a big challenge, since some quarters felt that the country could continue with constitutional monarchy while many others argued that the monarchy concept had to be scrapped altogether. Secondly, the two sides had some disagreement on the question of status of the Maoists militants and the arms belonging to them. This remained a nagging issue defying a resolution.
As the monarchy issue caused some rupture in the Maoist-seven party unity, people by and large felt that the country could move ahead towards a new future if the political parties and the Maoists worked together in that direction. The two sides maintained broad understanding and agreed for elections in November for a constituent parliament to draft a new constitution. The Maoists also joined the government but quit later.
The radicals charged that the political parties were not doing enough against the monarchy. The government had taken several decisions, including curbing political and financial powers of the king, and was mulling with the idea of nationalising the seven palaces belonging to the royal family. But the Maoists considered these measures as inadequate and opposed royalty tooth and nail. They decided to boycott the November polls, which were held only when the ultras agreed to participate. The radicals, a force to reckon with by that time, were sufficiently wooed by the government of Prime Minister G.P. Koirala, who also agreed in principle that the throne would be abolished, but a formal and legal decision on such a major issue would be taken by a constituent assembly that would be formed through popular votes.
The balloting was held in April this year, and the Maoists scored a stunning victory. The mandate was seen as an endorsement by the people of the radicals' position on the monarchy. People danced on the streets on hearing the decision by the legislature that the kingship was over, and May 29 has been declared as Republic Day. King Gyanendra was given two weeks time to vacate the palace in Katmandu, which he did, and is now living like a commoner.
King Gyanendra took to the throne following a mysterious palace massacre in 2001 that killed popular King Birendra and most members of the royal family. He and his son Paras, both widely disliked by the people for their corruption and other misdeeds, were at the centre of the conspiracy theories about the killing of King Birendra. People heaved a sigh of relief when their powers were curbed and monarchy was turned a ceremonial position. But most Nepalese were waiting eagerly for it to be scrapped altogether.
The new prime minister will no doubt face big challenges in meeting the hopes and aspirations of the people, who would naturally pin high hopes on a government that would be different from the previous ones in many ways. Prachanda launched his underground movement and election pledges on populism, like making drastic changes in socio-economic areas like land reforms and better living for the people. He will also have to deal with the sensitive matter of integrating his former guerrilla cadres in the national army as some quarter have already voiced concern about such a development. Besides, the prime minister confronts the acid test of running a democratic government as his experience and conduct of affairs since he shot into prominence as a rebel leader were obviously in contrasting style. He will also have to be very careful in the foreign policy issues as the country is the neighbour of two Asian giants -- India and China.
Prachanda, himself a great admirer of Mao, will clearly be monitored in the national and international issues. Expectedly, he will spare no efforts to change the face of Nepal, at least economically and socially. How far he will succeed in a country of myriad problems remains to be seen. Former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, Prachanda's rival in the election for premier, said the performance of the new government would be closely watched. But the bottom line is that the glorious changes that are sweeping our neighbour must be worthwhile for its masses. The school teacher turned radical communist leader was attracted to radicalism by the numerous woes of common people. He says he has nothing to gain from government position, but only to give. One should wish him success in his mission -- albeit that it is somewhat Herculean. His party says a "golden dawn" has been ushered in. Certainly, the changes are like a new dawn for the country.

Zaglul Ahmed Chowdhury is a senior journalist and analyst of international affairs.