WITH hardly 110 days left of 2008 the EC is still deeply involved in dialogue (third round) with the political parties to ensure political reform, political party registration, upazila election, and credible national election by 2008.
As the dialogue is progressing, the political parties have been able to measure the strength and capability of both CTG and EC. The parties have completed their dialogue with CTG a few days back. Thus almost all the parties are trying to take full advantage of the situation in their favor. To ensure maximum participation of political parties in the national election both CTG and EC are really in a pitiable condition and are ready to concede even some apparently illogical demands of major political parties.
No doubt political parties are sine qua non in a parliamentary democracy. In Bangladesh, the growth and development of political parties has been somewhat peculiar. All the parties (except JI and the Left ones) have non-democratic origin. All their philosophies originated from their respective founders. Two of these parties, namely BNP and JP, were founded by military dictators.
In regard to development, the AL could not get any favourable situation after the assassination of its founder, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Like any other military dictator, Zia founded the BNP to contest with the AL in popularity, and perhaps, in capability. He was not given enough time by his adversaries to gradually democratise the party. In the BNP constitution chairperson is everything. Its position is almost dictatorial. It is thus not surprising that it degenerated into a dictatorial political party. It now operates purely on the sweet will of the chairperson and close associates.
The AL constitution, though more moderate than other political parties, cannot be considered as democratic -- its chief's position is like a dictator. This results in exodus of fortune-seeking politicians from the party to join other parties to obtain more benefits.
The more talented and dynamic junior or senior leaders are deprived of their voices heard properly. This results in loss of talented upcoming leaders from the party. However, the uppermost echelon of the party is aware of the need for democratisation. Some leaders of AL started loud thinking about reform. Later on, their enthusiasm died down.
BNP was formed through accommodating different ideologies. Its initial aim was only legitimising the government of Zia and to contest AL. Zia, as its founder, never felt for democratisation of the party. Its members, the fortune-hunter politicians, never bother about the need for democratisation. Thus, there was no problem. Khaleda, as the successor of Zia, thought more about establishing dynastic rule. During the CTG regime, some reformists tried to democratise the party. As the case of AL, they also found that establishing a reformed party is beyond their competence and capacity.
In regard to other small parties they are not convinced of any benefit from reforming the present parties for the sake of establishing better democracy.
Till date we are not sure about participation of BNP in dialogue with EC or in election, although now that the party chairperson has been released from custody, the official line is that BNP will both sit for talks and participate in the elections. In fact, due to recent unexpected success, it seems the party has become over-ambitious. It now demands everything -- logical or illogical, relevant or irrelevant.
Like CTG, the Election Commission committed few mistakes at the early stage. The first thing it missed was lack of proper study of origin, growth, and behaviour pattern of parties, particularly the major parties. This resulted in their high expectation from the parties. Where the symptom of strong desire of party chiefs to establish dynastic rule emerged most clearly, how can EC expect cooperation from them in establishing democratic parties?
In regard to strengthening the base of democracy, it is natural that central leadership of the parties in their anxiety for losing influence on respective constituencies cannot support the issue. The recent opposition for holding upazila election before national election is the result of its reflection. In short, the EC has not much to expect from the parties in facilitating mission for upazila election.
The EC will have to think seriously about completing its programs by 2008. Without wishful thinking for cooperation from BNP, it should go ahead on the basis of whatever recommendations have been received so far.
It must not keep itself in dilemma and it must take decisions on the basis of rationality (where necessary). Successful election is important. Desire of the people is important. The game of political parties is less important at this stage. The CTG must complete national election successfully for honourable exit and to save the people from growing uncertainty and restlessness.

The writer is a former Joint Secretary.