No more us against them
ONCE again, Nepal has been deeply plunged into a vortex of political crisis and standoff. External eyes are fixed on the twisting and turning events in Nepal in an intent gaze. Voices of dissatisfaction and protest, questions of identity and self-determination, discussions about nationalism and the threats it faces have decidedly posed multiple challenges to the political leadership.
The Constituent Assembly election has been announced heroically twice and farcically postponed. The rhetoric of a new Nepal -- a reasonable dream cherished by the frantic and desperate Nepalis has been used and abused time and again. The country and the people have been caught in a circular trap of ceaseless ideological wars among myopic and irresponsible political actors.
If the leaders are reveling in extravagance, the ordinary people are bewailing their nightmarish situation. The people have become mere romantic tropes and metaphors in the new rhetoric being phrased every minute.
The upcoming CA election has profoundly engaged and drawn the attention of the world. So far so good. Again the people are genuinely worried about this whole phenomenon. Interestingly, all the concerned seem to be bravely saying that the CA polls are inevitable. They are speaking about it with full confidence. But as the story progresses into a precarious situation, it looks like the plot is getting extremely complex.
Madhes (the southern part of Nepal) is burning, and the conflagration is spreading like wildfire. One concern that constantly haunts the common people regarding the Madhes question is about secession.
In simple terms, if the demands of the Madhesi (people of the southern part of Nepal) leaders are fulfilled, the country will certainly slide into disintegration. But the chiefs have been trumpeting that their demands are genuine, and that instead of disintegration as is being rumored, implementing their demands will actually strengthen the country in the spirit of multiculturalism.
But have they made any comprehensive analysis of the subject and informed the general people about the matter in full? And how justifiable or reasonable is it to put forward all kinds of demands when the nation should be engaged in making the CA polls happen?
On no account can we ignore the agitation that has overrun the entire Madhes strip. Because of the indefinite banda called by the United Democratic Madhesi Front (UDMF), normal life has been turned upside down. The shutdown of education institutions, industries, government offices, customs and transportation has badly affected all sections of society.
The government does not seem to be serious in dealing with this pestering problem. Instead, it seems to be in deep slumber. Nor has the UDMF budged an inch to create a conducive ambiance for talks. What's more, it has aggravated the situation by making irresponsible and inflammatory demands to defer the polls yet again.
Our political personalities -- who are perpetually at loggerheads with each other, never seem to be determined to find a political solution to the problems bedeviling the nascent peace process. They are happy to spend their time passing the blame and throwing accusations at each other.
We need to grapple with the real problem by abandoning the recalcitrant mentality that is hindering the establishment of permanent peace. It appears the UDMF is accusing the government of ethnocentrism. In other words, the Madhes agitation is based on the fact that Nepal has been ruled by a small elite and that the vast majority have been deprived of the opportunity to participate in state affairs.
Viewed from this perspective, what the Madhesi leaders are demanding is total restructuring of the state-a shift from the unitary model to a federal one.
The question of identity and representation that has been raised by the Madhesis should be discussed and solved without any delay. The seven party alliance (SPA) government and the UDMF cannot afford the luxury of complacency. Any procrastination or hasty decision will only intensify the present polarised situation.
The government and the UDMF both must give up their highhanded attitude. The Madhesi demand for "one tarai one region" needs to be analysed and discussed in the total framework of nationalism and sovereignty.
The SPA leaders cannot turn a deaf ear to Madhesi voices and dismiss them as trivial matters. They need to come down off their high horse and actually practice inclusiveness to protect democracy from reactionary elements. Mutual cooperation, coexistence, tolerance, the rule of law, human rights and accountability are the hallmarks of a democratic culture.
Hence, the Madhesi and other ethnic problems should be discussed exhaustively. We cannot look at the Madhes issue in isolation because there are other ethnic communities that have been equally deprived of their rights for centuries. The identity of other ethnic groups living in the tarai and the hills is inextricably linked with Nepal's nationalism and continued existence.
The issue needs to be discussed thoroughly, but disintegration of the nation is an impossibility. A strengthened, unified and peaceful Nepal should be the first and foremost aim of the Madhesi and other political leaders.
We are in the process of building peace, which is going through a very painful period. A total nation is one that includes multiple images without the disastrous rhetoric of what Arun Gupto calls "regional, ethnic and linguistic politics."
I agree with him when he says that it is extremely fallacious to prioritise one region over the other on this or that pretext. We cannot be blind to the heterogeneous composition of the country.
The symbols of Nepali nationalism permeate not only the country's tarai plains but also its mountains and valleys. Hence, there is no way we can think about Nepal in parts. The identities of the various ethnic groups must be guaranteed without compromising the country's unity. The present political demands can be met to the extent that it does not pose any threat to the integrity of Nepal.
The country is passing through a critical transitional period that has its own challenges and opportunities. People everywhere are voicing their grievances, the demands for a proportionate share of the state mechanism are getting ever louder, the quality of life of the common people is appalling, the situation of law and order is terrible and the country's fragile security situation would make one doubt if there is a state mechanism in place at all.
If things look pathetic, there is a bright side too. The transitional period is an important phase because it creates new avenues for the politically and historically muted to be vocal. This is also a time for retrospection and self-examination when we can analyse our past experiences and practices.
Most importantly, we are beginning to talk about justice and recognition -- social, political, economic, linguistic and cultural.
The country thus stands at a very critical juncture in its history. If we prolong the transitional period, the country will face a disastrous situation. If we move forward properly, it is a key to end all kinds of structural violence and social antagonism. Our profound vision of multiculturalism will not materialise unless we feel bound by a sense of political and cultural citizenship and give up all kinds of differences in the interests of the nation.
The writer is a Professor at Resunga Multiple Campus.
© The Kathmandu Post. All rights reserved. Reprinted by arrangement with Asia News Network.
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