That an election is nothing without the voters goes without saying. And more often than not, young first-time voters can become the deciding factor in the polls since they are most likely to cause a swing towards whichever platform catches their fancy. The vibrancy of an election particularly hinges on these youths, who add to the overall heady atmosphere leading up to voting day. This has been a common phenomenon in Bangladeshi electoral politics, which is why the national elections often take on the mood of a large festival irrespective of religion or race.

But gone are those days. No longer is an election festive in Bangladesh. Nor do the first-time voters show much enthusiasm. More importantly, the political parties, especially the ruling one, care little about the voters. This frustrating trend was clear in the 2014 election—when 153 lawmakers were elected uncontested thanks to the main opposition camp boycotting the polls—and voters were deprived of the value of their vote.

The voting atmosphere, especially since the beginning of what is said to be "modern democracy" in Bangladesh in 1991, has gradually waned and is possibly at its historical low now. The media reported heavily that many voters could not even cast their votes in the 2018 election. This upcoming election, 25 million fresh voters, almost one-fourth of total voters, may cast their votes for the first time.

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We are heading towards another one-sided election

What's worrying is that an entire generation has grown up without being accustomed to the actual exercise of elections. It may not sound very alarming, but the impact is severe. If they grow up knowing that public representatives can be elected without voting and that there is no system of accountability, if they grow up in a winner-take-all culture, then the future of the nation is bleak, indeed.

Even more worrying is the fact that youths have turned away from politics out of frustration. We may keep blaming poor politics, corrupt politicians, and a rotten society, but to resolve our problems, we need solid political leadership to steer the nation in the right direction. A bureaucrat, a businessperson, a social worker, or a journalist can only extend their support, but leadership must come from the political figures. Right now, in absence of that lead, the young generation is becoming increasingly disinterested in politics.

Why am I expressing such deep concern? Because another election is due in a month. BNP, the opposition, has announced to boycott the polls, and so, it seems that polling is going to be lopsided again. And if there is no strong political opposition in the battle of the ballots, voter turnout will be less or voters will be deprived of their right.

Recently, I got the opportunity to listen to a bunch of youths at a university programme organised by DW Akademie. They discussed everything from traffic congestion to water scarcity, from psychological issues to medicare facilities—along with voting rights and the electoral atmosphere. What impressed me was that they want to speak up, they want to come up with ideas and solutions, but are not getting the space, or we are not providing it.

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As things stand, Bangladesh election is all but doomed

One of the participants said, "Everything around us is affecting or influencing our young generation, but we are in pain. We can't talk." Another said their generation has never seen a proper election. After the talks, the youths summed up the proceedings saying that the voting process and election system could be improved. They have a myriad of problems, which could be resolved if they only had the chance to talk about it at the right forum.

A fourth of the country's population is in the 15-29 age group. In numbers, the country's current youth population is around 45.9 million, according to the census report published by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics. While the elderly will certainly provide guidance, the youth must be the foot soldiers, and the relationship should not be just unidirectional (top to bottom) but reciprocal. Whatever approach we have must blend the experience and wisdom of the elderly with the technical savviness and creativity of the youth. This combination is imperative for the advancement of any society. The wider the gap, the poorer the nation will be.

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The fog before the election

Therefore, we have to keep in mind that youths have been missing out on being part of the democratic process, the voting environment, and rights. They need to connect with a mainstream political process that accommodates diverging and opposing views. There must be a healthy debate of conflicting ideas to enlighten the youth. Otherwise, there won't be any progress. We will only hurtle back from the light of reason, away from the benefits of a democratic process that preaches equality.

Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is chief reporter at The Daily Star.

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In my last column preceding BNP's October 28 rally, I said that the day would be important for both the main opposition and the ruling Awami League, and the party getting the upper hand in the rally would be ahead in the upcoming general election. After the rally, it became crystal clear that the ruling party got the upper hand, while the opposition faced a setback as it had not been prepared for the violence that unfolded on the day, driving the BNP members away from the rally venue. There is no doubt that the country is heading towards a long-drawn confrontational politics ahead of the election. True, the rival camps were already at loggerheads, but the situation just worsened after the fateful rally.

Let's look at the opposition camp first. BNP, which has remained out of power for 17 years, has been holding rallies and road marches in Dhaka and around the country peacefully as part of its anti-government campaign for the last one and a half years, drawing increasingly large crowds. Until the grand rally in Nayapaltan, Dhaka on October 28, the party was successful in keeping its street programmes peaceful—despite provocative rhetoric from some AL leaders and non-cooperation from the law enforcers. Throughout the non-violent movement, BNP was also able to distance itself from the violent street programmes that it had launched before the 2014 election. At the time, the party faced severe criticism at home and abroad for mindless violence and arson attacks, killing and injuring many, to foil the election. However, throughout its current movement, BNP high-ups announced their street agitation programmes very carefully, and were able to keep their activists in check during demonstrations.

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What will happen on October 28?

But it suffered a setback as the October 28 rally suddenly turned violent, leaving a policeman and a BNP leader dead, and injuring scores more, as campaigners clashed with the police. The day also saw a return of vandalism and arson attacks on vehicles. Could this violence have been averted? I think it most certainly could have. BNP leaders should have had more of the restraint and patience that they had shown earlier. Media reports said BNP men attacked AL activists, and then police and the Awami League men went on to disperse the BNP members from the rally. The police's role was questionable from the beginning, since they were instrumental in barring thousands of BNP activists from entering Dhaka to attend the rally.

This violence triggered BNP to go for the typical hartals and blockades. Many of the party leaders said they had no option but to toughen up their programmes as their peaceful rallies had not been effective. The government did not pay heed to their demands at all, so it was inevitable that at one point BNP would have to employ tougher measures such as general strikes and blockades to bring life to a halt. But it had intended to do that much later, if at all; what happened on October 28 forced its hand. Regardless, given how the current regime has everything under its iron-fisted control, BNP's chances of success in having its demands realised appear to be very slim.

The more interesting point concerns Jamaat-e-Islami. It did not get permission to hold a rally. The media reported that police would be very tough if Jamaat made any such attempts. But we saw that Jamaat held it peacefully and police did not obstruct it. Why Jamaat was allowed to have a rally is not clear. True, Jamaat is not a banned political party. But how were they allowed to hold it without permission? The curious case of Jamaat may answer many questions regarding BNP's violent rally.

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Could BNP have avoided violence on Oct 28?

The ruling Awami League is upbeat after the rally. Although very few ruling party members took to the streets on the rally day, they were there carrying sticks. Police and the ruling party men were on the streets to contain the BNP and Jamaat. But then, that is not quite the role of the ruling party men, is it? One must ask: who gave the AL men the authority to guard the streets with sticks? If they have to take to the streets to protect public property, what are the police supposed to do? This trend is nothing new in Bangladesh's politics, though; it seems to have become the norm.

One can assume that after the October 28 rally, the ruling party is feeling relieved about the upcoming election, and will possibly be unchallenged in the battle for the ballot. BNP has been saying that it will not take part in the election if it is held under the current regime, but the way BNP is cornered with most of its senior leaders on the run or in custody, it is almost impossible for the party to join the polls anyway.

Awami League General Secretary Obaidul Quader has warned the BNP against tough programmes. Referring to what happened at Shapla Chattar in Dhaka on May 5, 2013, he said the consequences would be far worse for the BNP. Addressing a massive rally of AL's youth wing at Bangabandhu Avenue on Monday afternoon, he said, "What happened at Shapla Chattar that night? Didn't they flee? Didn't they run away? I do not want to say it, but BNP will have a more tragic end. Sheikh Hasina does not bow down and fears no one except Allah."

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Is democracy on its deathbed again?

It is unfortunate for a nation that it could not devise an election strategy that would ensure a safe and peaceful transfer of power and ensure people's voting rights after five decades of independence. It's a matter of shame for us, and our politicians are to blame for this. Many people asked me who won in the October 28 rally. In reply, I said no matter who won, it's the people who lost.

Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is chief reporter at The Daily Star.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.