Understanding youth's involvement in violence
THE death toll in the ongoing political ruckus has climbed to at least 34, half of which were the result of targeted arson attacks on buses and trucks. Mass arrests of around 7,500 opposition activists have been reported as civilians continue to be attacked indiscriminately by petrol bombs and torching of vehicles. On January 21, Social Welfare Minister Syed Mohsin Ali talked about possibly implementing “shoot on sight” giving law enforcement authorities the licence to kill arsonists saying the latter “need not be tried.”
What we are witnessing is the participation of an overwhelming number of youth in unleashing violence across the country. Reports of young men being paid to hurl bombs or set public buses on fire are common. The number of young people in Bangladesh has been on the rise since the '80s along with the corresponding increase of the global young population (1.8 billion out of 7.3 billion). Bangladesh is in the midst of a demographic transition, experiencing a youth bulge (i.e. an excess in young population) with the median age somewhere between 25 and 30. The 'youth bulge' theory, which states that an overabundance of young, adult males in a country is likely to cause social unrest, is supported by periods of rise in communism during the Cold War, Arab Spring and even the current climate of terrorism (Islamic State). The importance of this must not be underestimated, particularly with regard to reversing the unpromising national outlook for the significant portion of our country's young population. The interplay of poor governance, lack of education and unemployment among other factors must be taken into account in order to understand the rationale behind our youth's affinity to political violence.
A disillusioned bunch
According to Population Reference Bureau, the youth (ages 10 to 24) makes up one third of Bangladesh's total population of nearly 160 million. A workshop on “Labour Market Transition for Young Women and Men in Bangladesh” held by Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) revealed some glaring statistical data. The national youth unemployment rate is above 10% with the unemployment rate of young university graduates (26.1%) being four times as much as that of young people with primary level education (6%). Around 37% of youths are neither in the labour market nor in education and the rate of informal employment of youths has gone through the roof at 95%.
The widespread lack of job opportunities resulting in an epidemic of youth unemployment plays a vital role in our youth's recourse to participate in political violence. Disillusioned and frustrated with the inefficacies of our socio-economic institutions, the youth feels a sense of inclusion and empowerment by taking matters into their own hands. Young men entrust their time and resources to entities like Chhatra Dal and Chhatra League with hopes of climbing the ladders of social and economic mobility. A World Bank report on South Asian inequality revealed that the probabilities of falling back into poverty and out of the middle class are highest in Bangladesh. In addition to all this, the marginalised youth's under representation in formal institutions of politics and public debate fuels the desires of angry, young men to engage themselves through violent political means.
A culture of miseducation
Instances of question paper leaks of primary exams have become ubiquitous throughout the country. Just recently, Primary School Certificate (PSC) question papers of all subjects were alleged to have been leaked. A probe conducted by the Ministry of Primary and Mass Education found that 53% of Bangla paper questions and 80% of English paper questions had been leaked in 2013. These malpractices not only create unfair competition between students but also develop indifference towards education from a young age.
Further crippling the educational system is the national crisis of residential facilities at universities. In 2013, 69% of students in public universities had no accommodation facilities. The widening gulf between the total number of students and available seats/residential facilities leads to the unethical practice of ruling party backed student organisations compelling students to join their party in exchange for accommodation or seats. The current politicisation of educational systems and mobilisation of students are a far cry from noble, student-led movements such as the Language Movement in 1952 and the Liberation War in 1971. For the sake of posterity, our educational institutions must be repaired and depoliticised immediately.
In a 2014 report, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) emphasised the urgency to invest in our burgeoning human capital in order to benefit from a “large demographic dividend” that is our young population. The report also recommended revamping macro-economic management, trade, and system of governance to boost employment rates among the youth. More organisations like JAAGO and Bangladesh Youth Leadership Centre (BYLC) aimed at ameliorating the state of our youth are needed to inspire and inculcate into the young population values of education, leadership and civic engagement. An exigency of our civil society is economical and political reform that makes it irrational (costs outweighing benefits) for our youth to resort to political violence. The young population must feel represented, included and valued. As Kofi Annan aptly put it: “A society that cuts itself off from its youth severs its lifeline; it is condemned to bleed to death.”
The writer is a graduate of University of California, Los Angeles.
Comments