Between a bang and a whimper
At first glance, the rather imposing title Women and Militancy: South Asian Complexities might conjure up in the reader visions of profound insights into what apparently should be a very interesting topic, possibly unusual in the field of academia: a correlation between women and militancy (notwithstanding the celebrated cases of Leila Khaled, Djamila Bouhired, Djamila Boupacha et al!). And, when the subtitle is considered, the reader's interest might get aroused even more, especially if s/he is of this region or has more than a passing curiosity in it. In the event, his/her experience would likely fall below expectations, more so because South Asia is limited to Bangladesh and only stretched beyond its territorial boundaries to include the proximate Northeast Indian state of Meghalaya. Beyond the rather misleading subtitle, Amena Mohsin and Imtiaz Ahmed's edited volume, as is not unusual in books made up of a collection of writings, is constituted of essays of uneven quality. A few illuminate, others are rather humdrum, and disappoint in the context of the subject matters they deal with. In the end, in some cases, one would have to look really hard to find any complexity, and the expectancy that could well be aroused by a glance at the title Woman and Militancy might turn out to be a damp squib.
A short introductory chapter by the author leads to, successively, "Unheard Voices: War Experiences of Bihari Women in Bangladesh" by Shuchi Karim, "Militarisation and the Fate of Women's Body: A Case Study of Chittagong Hill Tracts" by Tania Haque, "Life and Living of Ahmadiya Muslim Jamaat in Bangladesh: An Unholy Alliance of Secular Politics and Religious Extremism" by Perween Hasan, Mastanocracy, Insecurity and Gender in Dhaka Slum" by Fouzia Mannan, and "Militancy in Meghalaya: Politics Beyond Matriarchy?" by Imtiaz Ahmed and Amena Mohsin. The broad theme of the book is encapsulated in Cynthia Enloe's words, cited by Shuchi Karim: "Women, in almost every society have some experiences for militarisation or war in one form or the other, but their experiences are unlike those of men with whom they share ethnic, religious identities, political ideologies, economic class, historical familiarity, or geographic locations." Isn't that the truth, but the book under review, as a whole, comes up short in explaining and analyzing in depth this very crucial observation.
In the "Introduction" (Chapter 1), Mohsin and Ahmed try to explain militancy in this region, an explanation that people would likely have differences over in terms of its specific cause-and-effect focus: "…criminalisation of politics in South Asia has resulted in militant behaviour and militancy in the societal, cultural and religious spaces." To reiterate, South Asia is represented by Bangladesh and Meghalaya, just as the mission statement of the book eventually turns out to be a little too pretentious: "This book is an attempt to bring the complexities and multiplicities of violence inflicted against women and the different dimensions of militarisation." Certainly some of the writings appear to portray the isolated cases of women being subjected to militancy and its attendant consequences as statistical oddities that happen in every society without being able to demonstrate them as part of a greater problem afflicting society in general. Tania Haque's paper is, in her words, "based on the case studies of sexual crimes committed by both state and non-state actors in the internal armed conflict situation in the CHT," but has not convincingly lived up to her claim that the "study shows that patriarchy, gender, class, ethnicity is (sic) inseparably tied together," or that it "argues that the modern state is essentially a gendered construct and its institutions are not gender neutral, which marginalise women. Masculine values and ideologies are embedded in our modern state, which silences the voices of minorities and women." This last sentence might reasonably appear to many as being a sweeping generalization, just as some might seek explanations other than given by the author for the ethnic minorities' many tribulations: "The Constitution of Bangladesh adopted by the Bangladesh Parliament on 4 November 1972 legally consolidated the hegemony of Bengalis over the ethnic minorities," with the offender being Article 9, which stipulates that Bengali nationalism is based on Bengali culture and language.
In one of the standout pieces, Shuchi Karim goes philosophical in trying to find the answer to these questions that she poses for herself: "how do women from different backgrounds and ideology locate themselves within the framework of nationalist identity? How do women, especially those who either live in the margin or remain almost invisible recollect their memories of war which has had life-changing consequences over generations?" She set out on her journey with a view to knowing about women's experiences during the country's liberation war in general; specifically, for the purposes of the article, researching the Biharis. Her own experience in getting feedbacks from people (presumably educated) when she apprised them of what she was planning on undertaking is a multi-faceted eye-opener: many questioned her patriotism, loyalty, and alliances, all wrapped up in the questions, "is there any place for Biharis in our society?" and, "can we ever forgive them for betrayal?" Karim's piece contains some engrossing material.
Perween Hasan chronicles the evolution of the Ahmadiya Muslim Jamaat sect, and their life and lifestyle in Bangladesh, but, while mentioning individual cases where they have been subjected to violence and repression down the years, has not quite been able to dig deep and wide on the topic of what she cogently determines to be, "an unholy alliance of secular politics and religious extremism." She does mention this critical phenomenon that has (in my view, very negatively) affected the functioning of liberal pluralist democracy in Bangladesh: "…the extreme religious right…has become important in the political power game. All three parties which have been in power (Awami League, Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Jatiyo Party) have wooed them in order to hold on to power." As the author relates, the phenomenon of the whole nexus between the secular and the religious parties resulting in virulent persecution of the Ahmadiyas reached a peak during the BNP-led alliance government of 2001-06. Hasan then draws attention to both a general observation on Bangladeshi society and a poignant situation of a particular section of an oppressed community: "Living in a patriarchal society such as Bangladesh, Ahmadiya women are doubly marginalised, internally as well as externally."
ouzia Mannan draws attention to a problem not widely-known, possibly not reported as prominently as could be in the media, and certainly not a big phenomenon --- that of the existence of female mastans in the Dhaka slums. She also brings out a recurring aspect of Bangladeshi society while taking up the issue of female mastans and the lives of women in the slums: "…women in the urban slums…are not getting justice, mainly because the society is patriarchal and masculine in nature and mastanocracy has a strong relationship with both." And, "Female mastans are product of the patriarchal system and most of them are associated with the power structure through kinship (husband, brother or father)…. Put differently, women's involvement in mastanocracy is hardly a sign of women's empowerment. Rather it is a sign of being a victim of the patriarchal system."
In "Militancy in Meghalaya", Ahmed and Mohsin conclude that, "Khasi women have to face and fight militancy both within and without." Women and Militancy: South Asian Complexities allows the reader glimpses into the militancy phenomenon as it relates to women in Bangladesh, emphasizing the fact that women fall victims in almost circumstances to various forms of militancy in this patriarchal society, even when, as mastans, they might appear to be in the driver's seat. Beyond that, however, it does not offer the kind of deep analysis that could have made it a more meaningful read.
Shahid Alam is Head, Media and Communication Department, Independent University Bangladesh (IUB).
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