We have said this before, but elections are a time when people get the chance to express their will as to which party and which leaders will govern them. But in our case, it is the cacophony of two leading political parties that will be assaulting our eardrums. Awami League's wish for election under Sheikh Hasina and BNP's wish for the very opposite are all we have heard of in the past months, if not years.

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Column by Mahfuz Anam: ‘Gladiatorial’ street contests and prospects of fair elections

There has been no well-researched, in-depth and fact-based criticism of the government's performance by the BNP. Why there has been no analysis of the ministries or the government's performance escapes our comprehension. All we have seen is a sweeping demand for this government to quit. From the other side, no elaborate explanation has been given as to why legal ways cannot be found to respond to BNP's demands, except that "we won't go outside the constitution."

With only a few months left till the election, we still have no idea what AL's and BNP's manifestos will reveal – though what they say and what they end up doing are usually miles apart. We know of no effort from either side to engage with the public in any way and inquire what the people's wishes and concerns are.

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Do Bangladeshis want democracy?

There have been no open surveys, opinion polls or any big or small group discussions that we know of. How, then, will the leaders on both sides learn what the real issues are? If asked what they are doing to gauge the priorities and concerns of the people, they will most likely say, and with supreme certainty, "We don't discuss with the people because we do not need to. We are with them all the time, we know everything about their aspirations as we are always and tirelessly working for them. It is you people – the media, NGOs, intellectuals, civil society, etc – who do not know and therefore have to ask."

Between BNP's "people want Hasina out" and AL's "people know who has brought about development," our all-knowing political leaders seem to have no wish to get to the grassroots. The Daily Star used to run opinion polls in our earlier days, especially when power would change hands every five years and when neither party was entrenched enough to be authoritarian. But with the rise of complete intolerance and vindictiveness towards those who bring out the "bad news" regarding the rulers, we have long since given up.

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A constitution without constitutionalism?

Presently, BNP says that they will not participate in any election while the AL government is in power because they suspect that the incumbent will misuse the state machinery to manipulate the election. Awami League says they will not deviate from the constitution, which clearly allows the government to remain at the helm of affairs in an interim capacity. This is particularly ironic because back in the 1994-96 period, when BNP was in power, AL demanded for a caretaker system to hold elections because the then incumbent could not be trusted to hold free and fair elections, while BNP argued that they could not go "outside the constitution." After 27 years, we are once again stuck on the same issue, only with the arguments being reversed between the same two sides.

This zero-sum game has locked Bangladesh in a deadly political stalemate, threatening all our achievements of the last 32 years.

In our political world – as described above – the question that constantly runs through our minds is, given that both AL and BNP are only obsessed with their own interests, is there any space left on their plates for the people's interests?

— Mahfuz Anam

Whatever economic gains we made stands threatened due to both international and domestic factors. Internationally, there is the Russia-Ukraine war, which has now been joined by the very fluid situation in the Middle East created by the latest Hamas attack and Israel's all-out war against the Palestinians. Our international trade is coming under strain, with both our exports and remittance inflow showing worrying signs of dipping. Internally, the falling forex reserves, the rising prices of essentials, inflation and more threaten our economy.

Under these dramatically changed circumstances, we are faced with a very volatile political situation. Awami League is solely focused on clinging to power. And BNP will hear of nothing besides dislodging the status quo. Both parties seem to be inhabiting their very narrow, self-serving, partisan worlds. The simple question from our end is this: who is thinking of the economy, the people and the country? The answer, sadly, is "not them."

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Why is the EU pulling out of observing our election?

Democracy was restored in Bangladesh in 1991. It was done through a civil movement by the combined opposition over a sustained period of time. Gen Ershad's government was toppled by a massive alliance led by Awami League and BNP, respectively. The public massively supported the opposition alliance because of the 19-point programme that they promised once victorious. None of the promises made during that time was honoured, and we gradually descended to a state of politics that can only be described as tribal.

Today, our politics is that of an election only being "free and fair" for the party that wins and being a fraudulent one according to the party that loses. No facts or evidence seem to be required. "Democracy prevails only if we are in power and absolutely nothing is acceptable if the other side is running the show" seems to be the go-to attitude. This is the myopic, narrow-minded, and self-centred worldview that AL and BNP harbour. In this "world" of theirs, there is no accommodation, no compromises, and no space for anything other than each side's view of the other.

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Column by Mahfuz Anam: The middle income ‘intellectual’ trap

I often wonder what it is in our nature or our psyche that draws us to self-defeating inflexibility in our political posturing. For the last 32 years, as a part of The Daily Star, we have been a front row witness to the politics in Bangladesh. We have witnessed specifically the behaviour of our two leading parties. The one thing that both parties have retained in their behaviours is the firm refusal to compromise on any issue, however justified a compromise may be. They continue to be insular to the political reality of the moment, in that their respective stance has no relation with the changing circumstances.

In our political world – as described above – the question that constantly runs through our minds is, given that both AL and BNP are only obsessed with their own interests, is there any space left on their plates for the people's interests? They are too greedy for power, too insulated against people's worries, too removed from the global realities, too unconcerned about the bigger picture, and too unmindful of the changes that are occurring all around us to have public interest high on their list of priorities. When the world is entering an era of artificial intelligence and examining the potential of quantum computers, we are still quarrelling over how to hold an election that will be acceptable to all. Sadly, we already know from past experience that even if we hold the most transparent and most well-conducted election in the world, the losing side will always reject it under one pretext or the other. Such is the irreconcilable nature of our politics. And it is what we are stuck with at a time when Bangladesh is termed one of the most vulnerable countries facing the biggest threat to civilisation: climate change.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.

Awami League General Secretary Obaidul Quader declared at a party rally earlier this week that "the deal had been sealed." His speech was rife with the suggestion of an agreement being struck before anyone got the wind of it. "Delhi is there and the US needs Delhi. so, Delhi is there, and so are we… Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina has balanced [relationships] with everyone; there is no need to worry," he said.

His statement suggests that a green signal from powerful foreign quarters was all the ruling party was waiting for, despite the rhetoric in recent months. One cannot help but note that Quader had a brazen attitude and lacked any embarrassment about the vitriol his party had been spewing against the US for quite some time now. Many have suggested that, quite like the anti-US rhetoric of these past few months, the announcement of having struck a deal was also just empty posturing without any substance to back it up.

But the inherent contradiction between Quader's words and those of his cabinet colleague can hardly be overlooked. Foreign Minister Dr AK Abdul Momen said if necessary, Bangladesh would impose sanctions on those who imposed sanctions on Bangladesh. We know that the US government has started the process of imposing visa restrictions on those who would hinder the democratic process in Bangladesh. So, his statement was clearly directed at the US, a country with which a deal had been made, at least according to his party's general secretary!

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Column by Mahfuz Anam: 'Secret deal has been struck, nothing to worry about'

This is a clear indication that there is tension within the ruling party. These statements from Quader and Momen came just as Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina returned home, having wrapped up her visit to the US and UK. It is also at this point that another bit of news has further muddied the waters. The European Union announced last week that it would not be sending a fully fledged election observer team for the next election, which is their way of saying that they are not happy with the atmosphere leading up to the election, and the election is unlikely to be inclusive, fair or free. The EU did not send observers in the 2018 election either. They made some observations post-elections, but nothing that would strain their relationship with the government, although they knew about the numerous allegations of vote rigging and ballot stuffing on the eve of election day. In the last election, BNP and other opposition parties joined the polls, but this time, BNP has declared it will not take part in the election if it's overseen by the Awami League government. That has put pressure on the government to hold a free and fair election, and it is increasing every day.

The EU's decision not to send observers could be interpreted in two ways. First, the Election Commission and the ruling party could claim that they invited the observers to show that they were not trying to hold a rigged election, but the EU decided against it, apparently not interested to see it for themselves. Second, if the EU does not have a full election observer team on the ground, they will not have the manpower to be able to collect the information that they should. Whether to commend or to criticise the polls, the EU would need to have enough people on the ground, which they won't according to their latest decision. There are comments that it may in fact be the encouragement that the ruling party needs to organise an election that will make them "proud."

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The Bangladeshi model of dealing with bank crises

Against this backdrop, a pre-election assessment team from the US will start their visit to Bangladesh on October 7. This team will also decide on whether to send election observers after speaking with various stakeholders. In such a situation, the chief election commissioner's latest remarks questions his sincerity of holding a free and fair election even further. He said the Election Commission was not concerned about the election's legitimacy, but its legality. He also said the EC would not bother about who participated in the polls and who didn't as the election could be called "participatory" if voters cast their votes.

What is perhaps more alarming is that the CEC has thus far tried to remain conciliatory without showing too strong a resolve to bring all parties to the table. He has expressed himself as somewhat malleable, so this sudden hardening of his stance could only mean that he is doing so at the bidding of the powers that be.

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The legal case against Khaleda’s treatment abroad is far from convincing

Taken together with the Awami League spokesperson's announcements, the CEC's stance could be a hint that we might be heading towards yet another election that might dispense with the need to include all major parties. It may comfort the ruling party to have struck deals with foreign powers to win for another term, but it certainly does not bode well for us or our democracy.

Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is chief reporter at The Daily Star.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

Events leading to the schedule announcement of our 12th parliamentary election appear to be eerily similar to those before the previous two much discredited and disputed elections. This time, apart from serious disagreements among the most potent challengers centring the election management process, the Election Commission's consistently inconsistent statements and decisions show that it lacks the courage and capacity to act decisively and independently. Otherwise, Chief Election Commissioner Kazi Habibul Awal's address to the nation would not have been full of contradictions.

CEC Awal admitted that "the EC has been noticing differences among the political leadership regarding the polls, particularly on the issue of the institutional system of elections," and that "consensus and solutions are needed," but announced the voting schedule without any resolution of the disputes. He then expects the nation to trust him when he says, "We believe the upcoming polls will be free and fair, impartial, participatory, and peaceful."

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Our Election Commission's critical failings

He said, for a free, fair, inclusive, and festive election, there is a need for a conducive political environment, but leaves the responsibility for creating it on the parties entangled in an existential fight. He again contradicted himself when he said "... if conflict and violence take place due to differences, instability can be created, which will have a negative impact on the election process," but in the same breath urged the people "to go to polling centres in festivity and exercise their voting rights freely, keeping aside all concerns, anxieties, and discomforts." The CEC then reminded the nation that "meaningful competition is an essential element of an election," but didn't explain how the next election could be meaningfully competitive without participation of the ruling party's main challenger and several other political parties.

Other events that have proved the EC's inability and partisan behaviour towards the ruling party include its failure to deal with gross irregularities in local government and parliamentary by-elections, granting registration to two unknown and dubious parties, declining registrations for a number of well-known parties on shallow grounds, and entertaining discredited election observers associated with the ruling party—who brought in fake foreign observers—and enlisting them as local poll monitors despite earlier rejection.

Such inconsistencies are nothing new. The EC has repeatedly said one thing and did something other than that, if not the opposite. A more disturbing trend has also emerged, in which we see the EC secretary cancelling out the CEC's observations. The most recent one is secretary Md Jahangir Alam's assertion a week ago that a conducive environment to announce the schedule of the next general election exists, though the CEC in his address to the nation decried its absence and urged all parties to reach a consensus. One may wonder whether the CEC would exercise his authority over the administration and replace the secretary who is clearly out of line. Former election commissioner late Mahbub Talukder's book, Nirbachonnama, bears the testimony of how the EC secretariat served its political masters instead of the constitutional body.

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Election Commission's burden of a looming non-inclusive election

Other events that have proved the EC's inability and partisan behaviour towards the ruling party include its failure to deal with gross irregularities in local government and parliamentary by-elections, granting registration to two unknown and dubious parties, declining registrations for a number of well-known parties on shallow grounds, and entertaining discredited election observers associated with the ruling party—who brought in fake foreign observers—and enlisting them as local poll monitors despite earlier rejection. These events suggest that the EC is either giving in to pressure from some powerful quarters, or it lacks the required skills and independence to regulate the crucial elements of a genuine election.

Ignoring substantial opposition to holding a one-sided election, the EC has argued that it has a constitutional obligation to hold the election in time. However, the commission has conveniently forgotten that it also has a constitutional obligation "to ensure effective participation of the people" (Article 11 in Part II of the constitution, under the title "Fundamental Principles of the State Policy"). Footnotes in the most updated version of the constitution—available on the official website of the law ministry—reminds us that the part about the "effective participation of the people" was omitted by the fourth amendment and again inserted (following a national consensus to revert to a parliamentary system) by the 12th amendment in 1991. Should we be sacrificing effective participation of the people in the name of constitutionalism, albeit, which has been amended (by the 15th amendment) allegedly in an unconstitutional manner?

Effective participation of the people is not only a national requirement, but an international one too. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted in 1948, states, "The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures."

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EC’s act is ‘an improbable fiction’

On November 16, 2023, the global body representing parliamentarians of the world, the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) published a new tool called the Indicators for Democratic Parliaments, which offers a new approach to measuring parliamentary capacity, resilience, and performance. It devised 25 indicators to evaluate the parliament's own strengths and weaknesses, and one of those indicators is electoral integrity. In judging the electoral integrity, IPU sets the criteria as such: "In practice, elections take place regularly. A significant proportion of citizens participate in these elections. Elections are competitive and citizens' fundamental rights are respected before, during and after election day."

Rescheduling the national election is neither impossible nor without precedence. It was rescheduled, though by seven days only, in the not-too-distant past, in 2018. If parties can agree on the way forward, buying some additional time for holding the election is also possible, as the counting of 90 days can begin afresh if the parliament is dissolved. It is true that the history of dialogue between the two archrivals—Awami League and BNP—is an unhappy one, but there were exceptions, too, such as during the 1991 amendment for returning to the parliamentary form of government.

It may sound superstitious, but the day fixed for voting is a Sunday, the same day of the week the last two sham elections—January 5, 2014 and December 30, 2018—were held on. The last time the people in Bangladesh freely voted was not on a Sunday, but on a Monday. We need a genuine election, not another sham one.

Kamal Ahmed is an independent journalist. His X handle is @ahmedka1

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

The BNP has alleged that the government has become desperate to eliminate it and other parties by indiscriminately arresting the opposition leaders and activists across the country.

Speaking at a virtual press briefing, BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi yesterday said arresting party leaders and activists and placing them on remand are now one of the best weapons of the government to cling to power.

He said police along with the "ruling party cadres" attacked the pro-democratic opposition activists at different places across the country on the second day of the three-day nationwide blockade yesterday like they did on the first day.

"The government is also adopting all methods to eliminate democracy from the country. They are doing this desperately," Rizvi said.

He said the government is trying to hush up the stories of money laundering by Awami League leaders through suppressing the opposition parties.

The opposition leaders and supporters are being subjected to repression as they are in a movement to restore freedom of speech and all democratic rights, he added.

The BNP leader claimed that at least 2,563 party leaders and activists have been arrested across the country in 55 new cases since October 28. The cases have been filed over the BNP's October 28 grand rally at Nayapaltan, Sunday's hartal and the ongoing blockade.

He said 3,436 BNP leaders and activists were injured and nine people, including a journalist, were killed in police actions during those programmes.

Talking about Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's press conference, Rizvi said, "She lied blatantly in front of the whole nation at a press conference at the Gono Bhaban [on Tuesday]. How do you [PM] refute what the countrymen and the international community have closely observed? The UN Human Rights Commission has said people wearing helmets and masks belong to the ruling party."

The BNP leader said people do not believe the false and fabricated allegations made by the premier against the BNP over political violence.

Rizvi said BNP standing committee member Mirza Abbas was placed on five-day remand yesterday after being arrested on Tuesday night.

"This is oppression. He [Abbas] is suffering from various diseases, including diabetes… I strongly condemn and protest the persecution and torture of BNP leaders and activists in prisons by the jail authorities."