Actress Mahiya Mahi entered the Dhallywood industry with the film "Bhalobasar Rong". Over the course of 11 years, Mahi has expanded her career beyond the film industry, making appearances in the field of politics through diverse platforms. The actress engaged in political activities for several months now, actively participating in various Awami League meetings. There were indications that she would participate in the 12th national elections for Awami League. This speculation was confirmed on Saturday. A representative of Mahi collected the party nomination form of Bangladesh Awami League from the Chapainawabganj-2 constituency. This confirmation was posted on Facebook.

Mahiya Mahi spoke with the media yesterday and stated that a representative has collected the nomination form on her behalf. The actress posed while holding the nomination form with her husband Rakib Sarkar, mother Dilara Yasmin, and father Abu Bakar Khokon and shared the image on her official Facebook page. She also confirmed that she will submit the collected nomination form on Monday.

Mahi said, "I am from Chapainawabganj so I have been working for the people there. Those people wanted me to buy a nomination form. The rest actually depends on the party and it will nominate whomever it deems worthy. Nevertheless, I maintain a hopeful outlook; those who are at the policy-making level of the party will make the final nomination after vetting the nominees."

When questioned about the reason for her decision to participate in the parliamentary elections, Mahi said, "As a public representative I will have the opportunity and possibility to work on a much larger scale in comparison to my current reach." 

"The parliamentary seat of Chapainawabganj-2 encompasses three upazilas and presents a substantial area for impactful initiatives. Being a public representative offers a chance to make a significant difference, which might not be feasible for an ordinary individual. I believe that with determination, anything is achievable. From this perspective, I understand that if I were to become a Member of Parliament, I could undertake extensive efforts for the well-being of the people in that region. My primary focus would be on implementing substantial plans, particularly addressing the needs and concerns of the women in Chapainawabganj," she elaborated.

When asked about her intentions for women, Mahi stated, "Under the Awami League's tenure, thhas been significant progress in agriculture nationwide. Given that my region is also agriculturally inclined, I aspire to further enhance and support the agricultural sector."

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"My primary focus will be on agriculture. Additionally, inspired by the exemplary leadership of the Honourable Prime Minister, who has demonstrated the essence of women's leadership and the importance of self-respect, I am committed to empowering the women of Chapainawabganj. My efforts will be directed towards fostering their progress and encouraging them to move forward with dignity," she said.

"My job would be to guide them to becoming independent women entrepreneurs right from the comfort of their homes. The objective is to enable women to earn income independently, allowing all female members of the family to achieve financial independence. Given that we reside in the era of Smart Bangladesh, the focus will be on utilising the country's technology to empower and create entrepreneurs seamlessly from one household to another," the hopeful actress explained. 

That an election is nothing without the voters goes without saying. And more often than not, young first-time voters can become the deciding factor in the polls since they are most likely to cause a swing towards whichever platform catches their fancy. The vibrancy of an election particularly hinges on these youths, who add to the overall heady atmosphere leading up to voting day. This has been a common phenomenon in Bangladeshi electoral politics, which is why the national elections often take on the mood of a large festival irrespective of religion or race.

But gone are those days. No longer is an election festive in Bangladesh. Nor do the first-time voters show much enthusiasm. More importantly, the political parties, especially the ruling one, care little about the voters. This frustrating trend was clear in the 2014 election—when 153 lawmakers were elected uncontested thanks to the main opposition camp boycotting the polls—and voters were deprived of the value of their vote.

The voting atmosphere, especially since the beginning of what is said to be "modern democracy" in Bangladesh in 1991, has gradually waned and is possibly at its historical low now. The media reported heavily that many voters could not even cast their votes in the 2018 election. This upcoming election, 25 million fresh voters, almost one-fourth of total voters, may cast their votes for the first time.

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We are heading towards another one-sided election

What's worrying is that an entire generation has grown up without being accustomed to the actual exercise of elections. It may not sound very alarming, but the impact is severe. If they grow up knowing that public representatives can be elected without voting and that there is no system of accountability, if they grow up in a winner-take-all culture, then the future of the nation is bleak, indeed.

Even more worrying is the fact that youths have turned away from politics out of frustration. We may keep blaming poor politics, corrupt politicians, and a rotten society, but to resolve our problems, we need solid political leadership to steer the nation in the right direction. A bureaucrat, a businessperson, a social worker, or a journalist can only extend their support, but leadership must come from the political figures. Right now, in absence of that lead, the young generation is becoming increasingly disinterested in politics.

Why am I expressing such deep concern? Because another election is due in a month. BNP, the opposition, has announced to boycott the polls, and so, it seems that polling is going to be lopsided again. And if there is no strong political opposition in the battle of the ballots, voter turnout will be less or voters will be deprived of their right.

Recently, I got the opportunity to listen to a bunch of youths at a university programme organised by DW Akademie. They discussed everything from traffic congestion to water scarcity, from psychological issues to medicare facilities—along with voting rights and the electoral atmosphere. What impressed me was that they want to speak up, they want to come up with ideas and solutions, but are not getting the space, or we are not providing it.

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As things stand, Bangladesh election is all but doomed

One of the participants said, "Everything around us is affecting or influencing our young generation, but we are in pain. We can't talk." Another said their generation has never seen a proper election. After the talks, the youths summed up the proceedings saying that the voting process and election system could be improved. They have a myriad of problems, which could be resolved if they only had the chance to talk about it at the right forum.

A fourth of the country's population is in the 15-29 age group. In numbers, the country's current youth population is around 45.9 million, according to the census report published by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics. While the elderly will certainly provide guidance, the youth must be the foot soldiers, and the relationship should not be just unidirectional (top to bottom) but reciprocal. Whatever approach we have must blend the experience and wisdom of the elderly with the technical savviness and creativity of the youth. This combination is imperative for the advancement of any society. The wider the gap, the poorer the nation will be.

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The fog before the election

Therefore, we have to keep in mind that youths have been missing out on being part of the democratic process, the voting environment, and rights. They need to connect with a mainstream political process that accommodates diverging and opposing views. There must be a healthy debate of conflicting ideas to enlighten the youth. Otherwise, there won't be any progress. We will only hurtle back from the light of reason, away from the benefits of a democratic process that preaches equality.

Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is chief reporter at The Daily Star.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

Events leading to the schedule announcement of our 12th parliamentary election appear to be eerily similar to those before the previous two much discredited and disputed elections. This time, apart from serious disagreements among the most potent challengers centring the election management process, the Election Commission's consistently inconsistent statements and decisions show that it lacks the courage and capacity to act decisively and independently. Otherwise, Chief Election Commissioner Kazi Habibul Awal's address to the nation would not have been full of contradictions.

CEC Awal admitted that "the EC has been noticing differences among the political leadership regarding the polls, particularly on the issue of the institutional system of elections," and that "consensus and solutions are needed," but announced the voting schedule without any resolution of the disputes. He then expects the nation to trust him when he says, "We believe the upcoming polls will be free and fair, impartial, participatory, and peaceful."

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Our Election Commission's critical failings

He said, for a free, fair, inclusive, and festive election, there is a need for a conducive political environment, but leaves the responsibility for creating it on the parties entangled in an existential fight. He again contradicted himself when he said "... if conflict and violence take place due to differences, instability can be created, which will have a negative impact on the election process," but in the same breath urged the people "to go to polling centres in festivity and exercise their voting rights freely, keeping aside all concerns, anxieties, and discomforts." The CEC then reminded the nation that "meaningful competition is an essential element of an election," but didn't explain how the next election could be meaningfully competitive without participation of the ruling party's main challenger and several other political parties.

Other events that have proved the EC's inability and partisan behaviour towards the ruling party include its failure to deal with gross irregularities in local government and parliamentary by-elections, granting registration to two unknown and dubious parties, declining registrations for a number of well-known parties on shallow grounds, and entertaining discredited election observers associated with the ruling party—who brought in fake foreign observers—and enlisting them as local poll monitors despite earlier rejection.

Such inconsistencies are nothing new. The EC has repeatedly said one thing and did something other than that, if not the opposite. A more disturbing trend has also emerged, in which we see the EC secretary cancelling out the CEC's observations. The most recent one is secretary Md Jahangir Alam's assertion a week ago that a conducive environment to announce the schedule of the next general election exists, though the CEC in his address to the nation decried its absence and urged all parties to reach a consensus. One may wonder whether the CEC would exercise his authority over the administration and replace the secretary who is clearly out of line. Former election commissioner late Mahbub Talukder's book, Nirbachonnama, bears the testimony of how the EC secretariat served its political masters instead of the constitutional body.

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Election Commission's burden of a looming non-inclusive election

Other events that have proved the EC's inability and partisan behaviour towards the ruling party include its failure to deal with gross irregularities in local government and parliamentary by-elections, granting registration to two unknown and dubious parties, declining registrations for a number of well-known parties on shallow grounds, and entertaining discredited election observers associated with the ruling party—who brought in fake foreign observers—and enlisting them as local poll monitors despite earlier rejection. These events suggest that the EC is either giving in to pressure from some powerful quarters, or it lacks the required skills and independence to regulate the crucial elements of a genuine election.

Ignoring substantial opposition to holding a one-sided election, the EC has argued that it has a constitutional obligation to hold the election in time. However, the commission has conveniently forgotten that it also has a constitutional obligation "to ensure effective participation of the people" (Article 11 in Part II of the constitution, under the title "Fundamental Principles of the State Policy"). Footnotes in the most updated version of the constitution—available on the official website of the law ministry—reminds us that the part about the "effective participation of the people" was omitted by the fourth amendment and again inserted (following a national consensus to revert to a parliamentary system) by the 12th amendment in 1991. Should we be sacrificing effective participation of the people in the name of constitutionalism, albeit, which has been amended (by the 15th amendment) allegedly in an unconstitutional manner?

Effective participation of the people is not only a national requirement, but an international one too. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted in 1948, states, "The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures."

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EC’s act is ‘an improbable fiction’

On November 16, 2023, the global body representing parliamentarians of the world, the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) published a new tool called the Indicators for Democratic Parliaments, which offers a new approach to measuring parliamentary capacity, resilience, and performance. It devised 25 indicators to evaluate the parliament's own strengths and weaknesses, and one of those indicators is electoral integrity. In judging the electoral integrity, IPU sets the criteria as such: "In practice, elections take place regularly. A significant proportion of citizens participate in these elections. Elections are competitive and citizens' fundamental rights are respected before, during and after election day."

Rescheduling the national election is neither impossible nor without precedence. It was rescheduled, though by seven days only, in the not-too-distant past, in 2018. If parties can agree on the way forward, buying some additional time for holding the election is also possible, as the counting of 90 days can begin afresh if the parliament is dissolved. It is true that the history of dialogue between the two archrivals—Awami League and BNP—is an unhappy one, but there were exceptions, too, such as during the 1991 amendment for returning to the parliamentary form of government.

It may sound superstitious, but the day fixed for voting is a Sunday, the same day of the week the last two sham elections—January 5, 2014 and December 30, 2018—were held on. The last time the people in Bangladesh freely voted was not on a Sunday, but on a Monday. We need a genuine election, not another sham one.

Kamal Ahmed is an independent journalist. His X handle is @ahmedka1

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

In my last column preceding BNP's October 28 rally, I said that the day would be important for both the main opposition and the ruling Awami League, and the party getting the upper hand in the rally would be ahead in the upcoming general election. After the rally, it became crystal clear that the ruling party got the upper hand, while the opposition faced a setback as it had not been prepared for the violence that unfolded on the day, driving the BNP members away from the rally venue. There is no doubt that the country is heading towards a long-drawn confrontational politics ahead of the election. True, the rival camps were already at loggerheads, but the situation just worsened after the fateful rally.

Let's look at the opposition camp first. BNP, which has remained out of power for 17 years, has been holding rallies and road marches in Dhaka and around the country peacefully as part of its anti-government campaign for the last one and a half years, drawing increasingly large crowds. Until the grand rally in Nayapaltan, Dhaka on October 28, the party was successful in keeping its street programmes peaceful—despite provocative rhetoric from some AL leaders and non-cooperation from the law enforcers. Throughout the non-violent movement, BNP was also able to distance itself from the violent street programmes that it had launched before the 2014 election. At the time, the party faced severe criticism at home and abroad for mindless violence and arson attacks, killing and injuring many, to foil the election. However, throughout its current movement, BNP high-ups announced their street agitation programmes very carefully, and were able to keep their activists in check during demonstrations.

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What will happen on October 28?

But it suffered a setback as the October 28 rally suddenly turned violent, leaving a policeman and a BNP leader dead, and injuring scores more, as campaigners clashed with the police. The day also saw a return of vandalism and arson attacks on vehicles. Could this violence have been averted? I think it most certainly could have. BNP leaders should have had more of the restraint and patience that they had shown earlier. Media reports said BNP men attacked AL activists, and then police and the Awami League men went on to disperse the BNP members from the rally. The police's role was questionable from the beginning, since they were instrumental in barring thousands of BNP activists from entering Dhaka to attend the rally.

This violence triggered BNP to go for the typical hartals and blockades. Many of the party leaders said they had no option but to toughen up their programmes as their peaceful rallies had not been effective. The government did not pay heed to their demands at all, so it was inevitable that at one point BNP would have to employ tougher measures such as general strikes and blockades to bring life to a halt. But it had intended to do that much later, if at all; what happened on October 28 forced its hand. Regardless, given how the current regime has everything under its iron-fisted control, BNP's chances of success in having its demands realised appear to be very slim.

The more interesting point concerns Jamaat-e-Islami. It did not get permission to hold a rally. The media reported that police would be very tough if Jamaat made any such attempts. But we saw that Jamaat held it peacefully and police did not obstruct it. Why Jamaat was allowed to have a rally is not clear. True, Jamaat is not a banned political party. But how were they allowed to hold it without permission? The curious case of Jamaat may answer many questions regarding BNP's violent rally.

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Could BNP have avoided violence on Oct 28?

The ruling Awami League is upbeat after the rally. Although very few ruling party members took to the streets on the rally day, they were there carrying sticks. Police and the ruling party men were on the streets to contain the BNP and Jamaat. But then, that is not quite the role of the ruling party men, is it? One must ask: who gave the AL men the authority to guard the streets with sticks? If they have to take to the streets to protect public property, what are the police supposed to do? This trend is nothing new in Bangladesh's politics, though; it seems to have become the norm.

One can assume that after the October 28 rally, the ruling party is feeling relieved about the upcoming election, and will possibly be unchallenged in the battle for the ballot. BNP has been saying that it will not take part in the election if it is held under the current regime, but the way BNP is cornered with most of its senior leaders on the run or in custody, it is almost impossible for the party to join the polls anyway.

Awami League General Secretary Obaidul Quader has warned the BNP against tough programmes. Referring to what happened at Shapla Chattar in Dhaka on May 5, 2013, he said the consequences would be far worse for the BNP. Addressing a massive rally of AL's youth wing at Bangabandhu Avenue on Monday afternoon, he said, "What happened at Shapla Chattar that night? Didn't they flee? Didn't they run away? I do not want to say it, but BNP will have a more tragic end. Sheikh Hasina does not bow down and fears no one except Allah."

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Is democracy on its deathbed again?

It is unfortunate for a nation that it could not devise an election strategy that would ensure a safe and peaceful transfer of power and ensure people's voting rights after five decades of independence. It's a matter of shame for us, and our politicians are to blame for this. Many people asked me who won in the October 28 rally. In reply, I said no matter who won, it's the people who lost.

Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is chief reporter at The Daily Star.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

The way the events unfolded on Saturday has given the Awami League rank and file a confidence boost, claim leaders of the ruling party.

They said the kind of momentum BNP tried to gather with its grand rally did not come to pass, and it has "hurt the morale of the party activists".

The violence that took place that day was mostly between BNP and the police, leaving the opposition party pitted against law enforcers, said several AL leaders contacted by The Daily Star yesterday.

They said the pressure that the AL has been facing from the West for the last couple of months may now ease a little after Saturday's events.

AFM Bahauddin Nasim, AL joint general secretary, said, "By beating a cop to death, attacking journalists, torching police box and ambulances and throwing brickbats at the chief justice's residence, BNP itself has exposed its true nature, which is of a terrorist organisation."

Visa policy should now take immediate effect on them, he added, citing the the US embassy statement that read it will be "reviewing all violent incidents for possible visa restrictions".

The AL leaders also said the violence has left a dent in the image the BNP has been trying to project over the last few years -- that it believes in peaceful demonstrations.

Addressing a press conference yesterday, AL General Secretary Obaidul Quader alleged that the BNP-Jamaat alliance once again indulged in "brutal activities" to disrupt the country's democratic process.

"Though BNP talked about a democratic movement, in secret it was preparing to implement its terrorist-style politics. It was just biding its time to get back to its old ways, its terrible politics," Quader said at the party president's Dhanmondi office.

AL leaders are also of the opinion that the scale of the violence shows that BNP didn't have control over its own people.

They said they believe the opposition doesn't stand a chance against them and it's apparent especially after the way BNP central leaders left the dias soon after police action,

The AL leaders admitted there was some unease within the ruling party about the final phase in the BNP's oust-government agitation, but Saturday's events made it clear that toppling the government with street demonstrations will be nearly impossible.

Talking to reporters at his office at the Secretariat yesterday, Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal hinted that law enforcers will go tough on BNP following Saturday's clashes.

He said BNP has showed their original character by "killing and beating policemen, journalists and innocent people and they must be brought to book".

The AL, meantime, will remain on the streets with various programmes till the 12th national polls slated for early January. It will not concede an inch to the BNP, said party sources.

The party will hold peace rally in every district, upazila and thana apart from its programmes in the capital to counter the three-day "countrywide blockade" that BNP will enforce on October 31, November 1 and 2.

On those three days, the ruling party men will take position at every unit office across the country to resist BNP if the latter resorts to violence centering on its blockade programme.