In an extraordinary move on October 12, the Election Commission suspended the Gaibandha-5 by-poll, organised to choose a successor to a late MP who died on July 23. "Unprecedented" was the word used by some to characterise the decision in what was this EC's first brush with parliamentary elections. More optimistic observers saw it as a change of direction for an EC that, until that point, appeared to be cut from the same cloth as the last two commissions, as pliant and excuse-prone if not as blatant.

There is no question about the justification for the suspension of the election. Serious irregularities did occur, including illegal presence of men in polling booths, vote rigging, forcing polling agents out of centres, removal of CCTV cameras, etc. But similar irregularities occurred fairly regularly over the last decade or so, even during this EC's tenure. If every such instance was met with a matching response, perhaps we would have a very different political history. It's vital, therefore, to understand the motive – not why, but really why.

Given the circumstances under which the Gaibandha drama played out, there are at least three possible explanations for why the EC chose to exercise the maximum authority it has at its disposal.

A concession to disgruntled opposition parties?

Yes, opposition parties, not just candidates, of whom all but one (Awami League's, of course) boycotted the by-poll midway through it. The election ensued against the wider backdrop of deep, unmitigated distrust of the EC and its neutrality. A suspension decision – an embarrassment for the ruling party – could improve the EC's standing among opposition parties and restore some of its credibility.

Read more

Is Gaibandha-5 by-poll a prelude to the main show?

But this is unlikely to work. The opposition camp, including the BNP, which didn't participate in the by-poll, is unlikely to be persuaded by a token concession. If anything, this gives them further proof of the EC's inability to hold fair elections. The BNP secretary general has said as much: "The EC could not conduct a fair election even after exercising all its power. This just validates our position that holding a fair election is not possible under a partisan government."

A warning to field-level administrators?

There has been a lot of talk about the EC's influence (or lack thereof) over field-level administrators who help it hold elections. Last week, in a meeting with deputy commissions (DCs) and superintendents of police (SPs), an election commissioner alleged that many officials harbour partisan bias that influences their work. To that, some officials responded with "rude disobedience". Not long ago, the EC faced similar embarrassment after the public prayer offered by Chattogram DC, a returning officer, for the success of a ruling party nominee.

Although the EC sought to handle these affairs quietly, its reaction after Gaibandha shows that all is not forgotten or forgiven. It held the local administration and presiding officers responsible for electoral irregularities, in a move that will certainly turn up the heat on them. Although some presiding officers have alleged that they were forced to make written statements post-suspension saying the election was "free and fair", it just proves the lawlessness that marked the election in general.

A statement move against the government?

This could be the EC's chance to show the government who, at least ideally, holds the reins in electoral matters. Having been bombarded with allegations of appeasing Awami League in election-related decisions, it is possible that it wanted to change the narrative, although substantive reforms to establish its control over the executive branch are unlikely to be pursued. It was interesting to see how the CEC struck a rather defiant tone in his response to the Awami League secretary general, who questioned the logicality of his decision "sitting in Dhaka" based on CCTV footage of irregularities. He tersely replied: "The EC can suspend an election from anywhere, if it seems to us that it is not being held fairly," regardless of whether the EC is in Dhaka, or Cumilla, or Chattogram, or on a ship.

This comes off as somewhat iconoclastic considering that, on a previous occasion, he appeared to be apologetic after being chastised by a ruling party leader far below the rank of secretary general for objecting to his violation of a code of conduct.

Whatever the motive may be, however, it is clear that the suspension decision is going to be a reference point – but for what exactly? This will be determined by how the EC acts going forward. The first sign to watch out for is, of course, how well it follows up on its claims of irregularities. It has formed a three-member probe committee to identify how the irregularities took place and who were behind them. But anything less than swift justice for all involved would only discredit it further.

Who were these people? In the past, they have been called variously as "ghosts", outsiders, vote robbers, etc. The CEC added two more titles: crooks and criminals. Their collective identity is not unknown, however. That we are still occupied with the semantics is partly because of the unlikelihood of anything serious happening to them or their political masters or collaborators in the local administration, who allegedly gave them a free pass in at least 50 out of the 145 polling stations in Gaibandha-5 (where voting was stopped before suspension).

Read more

CCTV monitoring not enough to prevent election irregularities

The question is, if the EC cannot hold a fair election in a single parliamentary seat, how can it do so in 300 seats? Don't bother answering. The Gaibandha saga has, in a way, overshadowed the EC's inability and lack of preparation to deal with known criminals and their even better-known tactics. The BNP, for once, wasn't speaking in hyperbole when it said that Gaibandha shows how powerless the EC actually is. Can it deal with outsiders without the cooperation of insiders – election and law enforcement officials – who are supposed to be its eyes, ears and hands on the ground?

The EC faces a many-sided war, and there are legitimate questions about whether it really wants to win it. But an even bigger question is: Is the war, with its existing rules of engagement, at all winnable?

Badiuzzaman Bay is assistant editor at The Daily Star.

Four more people were killed in the last two days, raising the death toll to around 80 in violence over union parishad polls.

The pre-polls violence continued in different districts, panicking voters ahead of the fifth phase of the elections scheduled for May 28.

Around 6,000 people were also injured in the polls-related violence after the UP polls schedule was announced in February, according to media reports.

In Chittagong, criminals killed a man while he was pasting posters of Awami League's rebel chairman candidate in Islampur in Rangunia upazila early yesterday.

The victim Mohammad Mohsin, 40, was of Khatibnagar of the union.

Claiming Mohsin as his supporter, the rebel candidate, Sirajuddaullah Dulal, alleged that followers of AL chairman candidate Ikbal Hossain Chowdhury killed Mohsin. 

Ikbal denied the allegation.

Mohammad Humayun, officer-in-charge of Rangunia Police Station, said the killing could have been due to a feud over the ownership of a tea stall.

In Narsingdi, the body of a man was found with his throat slit on the bank of a river in Baduarchar yesterday.

Ebaidullah, 30, was a supporter of a member candidate in Hazipur union.

Ebaidullah might have been killed following feud over the polls, said locals. 

In Sylhet, Rokib Miah, 40, was killed over a silly matter in Goalabazar union of Osmaninagar on Monday night.

Member candidate Aptab Miah in Goalabazar union brought out an election procession on Monday afternoon and his men were distributing leaflets.

Six-year-old Marzana, a niece of Rokib, asked for a leaflet. But campaigner Jakir pushed the child aside. Seeing it, her father Dilbar Miah attacked Jakir and injured him.

Rokib along with others took Jakir to his house after his treatment.

While returning from the house, Jakir's relatives attacked and injured them, alleged Rokib's family. 

Later, Rokib was taken to Sylhet MAG Osmani Medical College Hospital where he died yesterday.

In Munshiganj, Mohammad Hanif, 30, was shot dead Monday night near an election camp of AL chairman candidate in Hosendi union.

Police, however, could not confirm whether the victim was a supporter of any political party or a candidate. 

In Mymensingh, criminals opened fire on Jubo League activist Shafiqul Islam Sohag Fakir.

Sohag was campaigning at Charbariabazar for AL's chairman aspirant in Longair union of Gofargoan Monday night. 

Elections to 725 UPs were held on March 22 in the first phase, 639 UPs on March 31 in the second phase, 615 UPs on April 23 in the third phase and 703 UPs on May 7 in the fourth phase.

Polls to 733 UPs are slated for May 28 in the fifth phase and 724 more UPs on June 4 in the sixth phase.

Our correspondents from Chittagong, Narsingdi, Sylhet, Munshiganj and Mymensingh have contributed to this report.

Voters in Netrokona-4 had high hopes for a tough race as three women with graduate degrees were running for parliament from there.

But the situation on the ground was just like in any other constituency in Bangladesh. Ruling party men, in cases helped by law enforcers, were virtually controlling the electioneering and supporters of opposition candidates were panicking.

During 12 days of campaigning, 15 cases were filed with three police stations accusing over 1,000 BNP men of sabotage and subversive activities. Local BNP leaders claimed those were false cases.

Former BNP home minister Lutfuzzaman Babar's son Labib Zaman was also accused in three such cases.

Incumbent Rebecca Momin, wife of Awami League's former food minister Abdul Momin; and Tahmina Zaman, wife of Babar, are running in the constituency that had elected their husbands. The other female candidate Joly Talukder of Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) is a well-known workers' leader.

Voters claimed that they were expecting a tough fight in the haor-based constituency, consisting of Mohanganj, Madan, and Khaliajuri upazilas, that have been lagging behind in terms of development.

In the constituency about 30km away from Netrakona town, this correspondent saw vigorous electioneering by the ruling party men and hardly any campaign activity of the BNP.

The BNP's Mohanganj upazila office on Monday was found closed. Locals said the office had been closed for several days.

“There are problems,” was all that Sujan Mia, a tea seller nearby, agreed to say.

Some 100 metres away, the Awami League office was fully functional. SMA Ferdous, organising secretary of Mohanganj upazila AL, said their campaigning was going well.

“Every day, Rebecca Momin is visiting people in different areas and asking for votes. Besides, our area-based camps are also working.”

Another 23 kilometres away at Babar's house in Madan upazila, a few posters and banners of Tahmina Zaman were seen.

A marquee was set up and around 100 BNP leaders and activists were seen seated.

The BNP men said their electioneering has been on hold for the last seven days amid police harassment; they could only campaign in three unions.

“We are on the run. Almost all our leaders are accused and police are carrying out raids regularly,” said Mustafizur Rahman Titu, a BNP leader. Around 65 of their activists have been arrested since campaigning began, he added.

Nurul Alam, president of Madan upazila BNP, claimed they were on a road-show on December 15 when police suddenly prevented their rally and attacked them in Kaitail union.

“But three cases were filed against us the next day. Our leader's son Labib, who came from Dhaka only to take part in the campaign for his mother, was made the prime accused,” said Alam.

According to the case statement, police fired 61 shots and one gas canister on that day.

Alam said police and DB raided Babar's house on the night of December 16. “Is this a level-playing field?”

Of the 15 cases, nine were filed with Madan Police Station. The Daily Star obtained copies of the nine. Noteworthy, the cases filed on December 18, 22, and 23 all have the same text but the names, places, times and dates have been changed.

Refuting allegations, Ramijul Haque, officer-in-charge of Madan Police Station, said the cases were filed on valid grounds.

BNP men said they are confident of victory in the constituency, if a fair election is held. AL men said Rebecca's honesty and promises of development were their strengths.

The AL and BNP have fought hard for this seat since 1991. Babar won the race in 1991, while Momin won the next in 1996. Babar again won in 2001, while Momin's wife Rebecca won the polls in 2008. In 2014, Rebecca won uncontested.

With the election 14 days away, campaigning should be in full swing but the situation in Khulna is different.

Campaign activities for AL candidates in the city and villages of upazilas of Khulna were energetic but supporters of non-ruling party candidates, particularly the BNP and Jamaat, was hardly seen electioneering during a visit to three, out of six, constituencies in Khulna yesterday.

There was an uneasy calm and many kept themselves carefully away from campaigning or even discussing the December 30 polls.

A cross section of locals said those who support the BNP or the Jamaat-e-Islami have either kept themselves away from campaigning or have started electioneering for the AL to “avert police trouble or harassment”.

There were plenty of campaign offices and posters of AL candidates but hardly any of BNP candidates in Sonadanga, Ship Bari Intersection, Moyla Pota, Rupsha, Jail Khana Ghat, Picture Palace Crossing, Bakshi Para in Khulna-2; Rupsha Ferry Ghat, Elaipur, Noyhati, Kajdia, Ghat Bhogh, Lockpur, Sheikhpura, Shaili, Goara, Palerhat and Senerhat in Khulna-4; and Full Bari Gate, Mohsin More, Daulatpur, Baikari, Goalkhali, and Pabla in Khulna-3 constituency.

In Khalishpur area, where some factories are located, the number of posters of BNP candidates was higher than it was elsewhere in the city.

Almost no one was talking about the election at markets and tea-stalls in the areas where people are often heard discussing political matters.

Many avoided talking to these correspondents when approached for comments on the polls. Some did say that everything was going well and that the AL candidates were going to win.

However, after some chit-chat and following repeated assurances that they would not be in trouble of any sort, a number of the constituents said people were publicly saying that the AL candidate would win and that they would vote for AL candidates, but given the chance to cast their votes, they would vote for the BNP candidates.

“I used to support the BNP, but now I am an Awami League man as I do not want any trouble,” said a smiling tea vendor at Rupsha Ferry Ghat on Friday.

He said their shop owners' association leaders had asked him to join a campaign procession of AL candidate Abdus Salam Murshidi that day. All 200 shop owners of the association would close their shop at 2:00pm and join the procession, he had said.

He said, “In any procession of AL candidate you will see, let's say, 5000 people. In reality, 2,000 of them are BNP men. They will vote for BNP candidates like me.”

Similar comments were made by others these correspondents spoke to in Daulatpur, Sheikhpura, Sonadanga, and Fulbari Gate.

Another tea-stall owner at Kajdia Bazar of Rupsha, said in the locality there was no festivity centring the election.

“People who come to my stall show no interest in the election,” the shop owner said.

Sheikh Salauddin Jewel of AL and Nazrul Islam Monju of BNP are contesting in Khulna-2 (Sadar and Sonadanga) constituency; Abdus Salam Murshedi of AL and Azizul Bari Helal of BNP in Khulna-4 (Rupsha-Terokhada-Digholia); Begum Monnujan Sufian of AL and Rokibul Islam Bokul of BNP (Khalishpu-Daulatpur-Khanjahan Ali) are contesting Khulna-3.

Picking a comparatively new face for Jhalakathi-2 and attacks on the candidate have hampered the BNP's election campaign in the constituency, comprising Sadar and Nalchity upazilas.

The party also has to deal with a controversy over the role of the contender's father in the 1971 Liberation War.

The candidate -- Zeeba Amina Khan -- will vie with an Awami League heavyweight, Industries Minister Amir Hossain Amu, in the December 30 polls.

Amu is criticised for not keeping in touch with the voters, said locals, adding that he would also have to face their anti-incumbency sentiments. 

However, the AL is vigorously campaigning on his behalf.

Visiting different areas of Sadar and Nalchity upazilas on Monday, The Daily Star correspondents saw AL leaders and activists conducting electioneering, using megaphones, holding rallies and bringing out processions. AL posters were seen hung almost everywhere.

In a sharp contrast, a district BNP office was found locked and only a few posters of its nominee were seen.

 "There were [BNP] posters in some areas of the town, but those were torn down. However, nothing will stop the BNP [from winning] here. It is waiting for the right time to get on the ground and campaign," said a party supporter in front of the office.

Monirul Islam Nupur, general secretary of Jhalakathi BNP, said they were not being able to campaign properly due to "repeated attacks on our candidate by Awami League men".

Alleged Chhatra League and Jubo League men attacked the motorcade of Zeeba on December 13. The BNP leaders and activists came under another attack the same day when they went to the Returning Officer's Office to lodge a complaint.

A similar attack took place in Nalchity two days later, Nupur said.

"Jhalakathi is a BNP stronghold. If we can cast votes freely until noon [on the voting day], we will win," he told The Daily Star.

After restoration of democracy in 1991, the BNP won in the constituency twice, the Jatiya Party once and Amu thrice (uncontested in 2014 and in bi-polls in 2000).

This time, the BNP had initially fielded Israt Sultana Elen Bhutto, an ex-MP, as its candidate but later nominated Zeeba, a member of the party's central executive committee.

The change came following demands by some local party leaders, who said Bhutto maintained no contacts with the voters in the last 10 years, said party sources.

Asked whether there was any division within the party over the candidate, Nupur said, "We all are united for the restoration of democracy. Bhutto will also join the campaign soon."

Another BNP leader, wishing anonymity, said they were facing difficulties as Zeeba was comparatively a new face. Besides, Bhutto used to get strong support from her upazila, Nalchity.

Amu and Zeeba are both from Sadar upazila.

The AL and its front organisations in the district denied the allegations and blamed BNP's internal conflict for the attacks.

Khan Saifullah Panir, general secretary of Jhalakathi AL, claimed they were getting good response from the voters.

He also said the BNP fielded a "daughter of a Razakar" and people would not vote for her.

On Amu being “aloof” from the voters, he said, "Amu comes to his constituency more than any other central leader of other areas and keeps a close contact with the people."

ZEEBA'S FATHER

Dulal Saha, former deputy commander of Bangladesh Muktijoddha Sangsad in Jhalakathi, alleged that Zeeba's father Akhter Uddin Ahmed was a Muslim League leader and he worked against the Liberation War.

Akhter was a member of AM Malik's cabinet in 1971.

"He fled the area after the war and went to Saudi Arabia via Pakistan," added Dulal, also an adviser to the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal central committee.

He said the Muktijoddha Sangsad of Jhalakathi in 2012 had sent a list of Razakars and other Pakistani collaborators to the International Crimes Tribunal. Akhter was named in the list, he said.

"As a freedom fighter, I can't accept the BNP's decision to field the daughter of anti-liberation person," he added.

Speaking to The Daily Star over phone on Monday, Zeeba said her father was not an "anti-liberation element". She said her father became a member of the AM Malek cabinet "to ensure security of the people".

Insisting that her father did not commit any crimes, Zeeba claimed that he got general amnesty declared by the Bangabandhu administration after the war.

According to records, out of 37,000 people sent to jail on charges of collaborating with the enemy, about 26,000 were freed following the amnesty declared on November 30, 1973.

Zeeba claimed that her father had been in Bangladesh until 1974.