Don't let Bangladesh become a cocoon of terror

LAST Sunday, training materials and sophisticated arms were recovered at militants' training centre in Banshkhali, Chittagong. This should not come as a surprise, especially to those who monitor the growth, expansion and activities of militancy in this country. In March 2013, I happened to meet the renowned Swedish journalist Bertil Lintner in an international conference in Yangon. Lintner worked as a senior journalist for the now defunct weekly Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER) for more than two decades. He specialised in cross-border terrorism, religious militancy and terrorism financing. After his retirement from FEER, Lintner settled in Cheng Mai in Myanmar. He shot to fame after publishing a cover story in FEER in April 2002, titled 'Bangladesh - A Cocoon of Terror.' In the story, he wrote extensively about the rising fundamentalism, religious intolerance, threatened secularism and moderate Islam in this country. He commented that "the implications for the region and beyond are grave, but it's not too late for a counter-revolution." 

A few months before our meeting, I happened to read his new book Great Game East, in which he expresses his alarm at the growing menace of militancy and terrorism in the border of India, Bangladesh and Myanmar. Before writing the book, he came to Bangladesh in 2004 and met quite a few influential ministers of the four-party alliance government. He discussed with them the scare of rising militancy in Bangladesh. None of them agreed with the fact that such a problem exists in Bangladesh. He visited a Rohingya camp in Teknaf where the camp leaders eagerly showed him militants' training sessions run by them. To his surprise, he found that none of whom were trained there were Rohingya; all of them were activists of Jamaat and Shibir. He also found trainees who traveled all the way from Sulawesi in Indonesia to receive training in terrorism and militancy. On enquiry, he found that most of the Shibir trainees remain in Bangladesh to operate inside the country while many of those from Sulawesi leave for Afghanistan as mercenaries. 

Lintner also wrote extensively on how Khaleda Zia's government was sympathetic to the Indian militants (especially the ULFA) and how the military intelligence gave them sanctuary during her rule. He also mentioned that militants fled Bangladesh once Sheikh Hasina was voted into power in 1996, with the exception of Paresh Barua and Anup Chetia who returned from his hideout in Bangkok once he felt safe. Unfortunately for Chetia, he was picked up by the police in 1997. He is now in prison in Bangladesh. 

The people of Chittagong are religious but have never supported fanaticism. Taking advantage of religious sentiments of the people of the district, militant organisations like Jamaat, Shibir, Hizb ut-Tahrir, Hefajat-e-Islam and Arakan Rohingya Islamic Front among other such organisations took roots in this district after 1971. The entire South Chittagong up to Cox's Bazaar has become a fertile breeding ground for militancy, especially the madrasas and Arabic learning centres. These madrasas are generally of Quawmi variety and have managed to stay beyond the control and supervision of the government. The Hefajat headquarters are in Hathazari Upazilla of Chittagong whose 90-year-old chief Maulana Shafi heads one of the largest madrasas of the country -- Al-Jamiatul Ahlia Darul Ulum Mainul Islam Madrasa. Given the chance, the degree of mayhem that they can create was witnessed by the people of the country on May 5, 2013. 

All these madrasas are generously funded by expatriate workers from the Middle East. They fund these madrasas in good faith with zakat and fitra mostly during Ramadan. Many principals of these madrasas visit Saudi Arabia during this time to collect money. Some even travel to London and buy slots in local Bangla TV networks to solicit monetary support for their madrasas. They also collect the hide of sacrificial animals during Eid-ul-Azha from local people. Another important thing that needs to be mentioned is that when it comes to large amounts of funds, affluent people from all parties are very generous towards these madrasas. 

Perhaps no other upazilla in Bangladesh has as many madrasas as there are in Hathazari. For every school there are at least ten madrasas or Arabic learning centres. Because a large number of expatriate workers who go to Middle East are from Chittagong, they are told that working knowledge of Arabic will help them get good salaries. The failure of the government is that it has not been able to provide a better alternative. Most of the students who study in these madrasas are from low income families, and these madrasas provide them with free lodging and food. 

In South Chittagong there are innumerable madrasas in Rohingya camps funded by some local and foreign NGOs. No matter if they are in Hathazari, South Chittagong or any other part of the country, many of these madrasas later turn out to be training camps for militants like the one busted in Banshkhali. The poor students are easily lured into the militancy trap, and before they realise it they become hostage to many of the deadly and sinister outfits. However, not all madrasas are breeding grounds for militancy. But even those who turn out to be Mullahs may become easy target for militant recruiters, and end up in the wrong place. 

The busting of a militant training camp in Banshkhali is just the tip of the iceberg. The law enforcement agencies alone cannot tackle the situation. The government must build public awareness and take the local people into confidence. The local public representatives must be held accountable for their respective areas. When these militants become pawns of influential political parties, it becomes a matter of concern. Let us all remember that the region cannot have another cocoon of terror. The fallout may be devastating. 

The writer is former Vice-chancellor, University of Chittagong. He currently teaches at ULAB, Dhaka.