Modi is no Gandhi
The agony and ecstasy over Prime Minister Modi's visit to Bangladesh is now gone. Dust is settling over the commotion and hype generated by the two-day visit. The agony before the visit stemmed from concerns about what Modi would say, what Bangladesh would achieve from his visit, and above all, how our people would receive him. The ecstasy was due to the charm offensive that he launched from the hour he landed, his impeccable appearance—handcrafted beard with matching outfits, and his crowd pleasing oration. But now is the time for reckoning from the visit—reality check.
Modi received the welcome he deserved from a nation that has a thousand reasons to show its appreciation to India and its leader. But underneath it all was also a curiosity about a leader who, for reasons good or bad, had built a reputation that has been associated with conservatism, the religious-right, alleged support for communal rift, and controversy from his term as Chief Minister of Gujarat.
The biggest objective of his visit was not the winning of hearts and minds in Bangladesh, but to plant an image of him as a leader who could be trusted in fostering strong India-Bangladesh bilateral relations. He was more interested in developing a future with Bangladesh based on mutual respect and support—the message that he carried earlier to other small neighbours in the region. In a sense, Modi was cultivating a constituency that he thinks would help build his image as a regional leader not hunkered down to a narrow cause of nationalist and faith based ideology as has been depicted before. In his carefully crafted and aptly delivered public speeches, Modi came out as a politician of a different breed from those who preceded him. People claim they become mesmerised by his speech, and they come away from the audience convinced that the speaker is genuine and will deliver.
It may be too soon to comment on the success of Modi's endeavour to establish the role he wants for himself in the region, but the bundle of goods he apparently delivered during this visit to Bangladesh made good on the promises that India had made on many subjects, if not all. The Land Boundary Agreement of course tops the list among other key agreements on land and marine connectivity. On Teesta we have to depend on his rather poetic phrasing of comparing life with water.
For us in Bangladesh, the delivery is not just what happened in the last few days or what is likely to happen in the coming days. For us the real delivery is the building of trust and mutual respect that are the basis of relationship between two sovereign nations. Modi gave us a feeling that we can look towards him for that relationship, but are his assurances enough?
Bangladesh-India relationship has gone through patchy periods of wariness, misgivings, and suspicion. Leaders in both countries have attempted over the years to overcome the trust deficit but it still remains. To this an added complication has been the rise of politics that encouraged aggressive nationalism and religious schism in both countries.
Modi's rise in India was on the shoulders of a political party that is more wedded to religious and economic conservatism than to the secular ideals of the party that founded India and dominated the politics of the country for much of its existence. But Modi is politically astute enough to know that what catapulted him from Chief Minister of a state to Prime Minister of India is not simply the strength of his party, but the choice of a much wider constituency that went beyond his own state. People who listened to him were not only charmed by his words but also the image he presented of himself—that of a leader who could be trusted. As a national leader he has a bigger constituency to win and sustain that covers all states, communities, and economic levels. He is also looking to expand his acceptance and that of India in the region.
Narendra Modi did not come to Bangladesh only to sign the agreements; he came to show the people of Bangladesh that he is a leader that can be trusted. He did what he could without politically jeopardising his political interests and relationship with other Indian states. Mahatma Gandhi is believed to have gone on a fast when the new Indian Government led by Nehru withheld transfer of cash from Reserve Bank of India to Pakistan. Modi may have Gandhi as one of his political ideals (besides both their home state is Gujarat), but he is not one to sacrifice his political ambitions to placate a neighbour.
He could have made a grand declaration about water-sharing, to prove a point to the Chief Minister of West Bengal with whom he has an amicable relationship. He did nothing of the sort because he did not want to add any more thorns in his relationship with West Bengal. By letting Banerjee lead the Teesta issue, Modi doesn't stand to lose anything. What he lacked in action he covered by oration and assurances. He did not want to spoil his stake in India by delivering something that would not please his political adversary. Modi knows that he is in for a long haul in the Indian political horizon. For now, we have to believe that he will eventually deliver his promises to Bangladesh by carrying Banerjee on the Teesta issue.
The writer is a political analyst and commentator.