The High Court bench of Justice JBM Hassan and Justice Md Khairul Alam came up with the orders and rules following two writ petitions.
Notably, Luna is the wife of missing BNP leader Ilias Ali. She is an aspirant candidate from Sylhet-2. Millat, a former lawmaker, is vying for Jamalpur-1.
Awami League candidate of the constituency Abul Kalam Azad challenged Millat’s candidacy, while Jatiya Party runner Yahia Chowdhury challenged Luna’s at the High Court.
Abul Kalam Azad’s lawyer Advocate Khurshid Alam Khan told The Daily Star that Millat cannot run in the election unless the apex court rules otherwise.
Millat was convicted and sentenced to seven years’ imprisonment by a lower court in a corruption case. The High Court had acquitted him later, which was overruled in the apex court and kept for further hearing.
On the other hand, Yahia Khan said Luna, as a government service retiree for six months, cannot run in elections before three years of retirement as per law.
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It is reassuring to see the chief election commissioner (CEC) address the challenge posed by artificial intelligence (AI) ahead of the upcoming election, which he described as "more dangerous than [conventional] weapons" due to its capacity to spread misinformation and disinformation. "It is now possible to circulate content using my exact image and voice," said AMM Nasir Uddin, calling the misuse of AI a "modern threat" capable of disrupting election campaigns and influencing the polls. He also mentioned other election-related challenges—such as the threat of illegal arms, restoring trust in the voting process, and ensuring voter turnout—but these are discussions for another day.
Knowing the problem doesn't guarantee that meaningful steps will follow, however. It is vital that the Election Commission implements effective safeguards including establishing robust monitoring mechanisms to detect AI-generated content, collaborating with experts and media houses to minimise its impact, updating legal frameworks, and raising public awareness. Currently, the electoral code of conduct lacks clear directives on this issue, which must be addressed. While conventional measures meant to ensure a level playing field are important, it is far more urgent now to curb the misuse of AI. This necessity is underscored by both global and local experiences, with a report by The New York Times revealing in June that AI was used in more than 80 percent of elections in 2024. AI has already played a role in at least nine major elections this year, it added.
With AI now making such fabrications easier and more convincing, the threat has multiplied. For example, a recent investigation by Dismislab catalogued 70 AI-generated political campaign videos, including reels, between June 18 and 28. These videos, created using Google's Veo text-to-video AI model, portrayed entirely fictional individuals (e.g. rickshaw drivers, garment workers, teachers, Hindu and Muslim women, young people, etc) offering endorsements for different political parties.
Locally, one may recall the circulation of fake content, including cloned voices of candidates, during recent elections. However, with AI now making such fabrications easier and more convincing, the threat has multiplied. For example, a recent investigation by Dismislab catalogued 70 AI-generated political campaign videos, including reels, between June 18 and 28. These videos, created using Google's Veo text-to-video AI model, portrayed entirely fictional individuals (e.g. rickshaw drivers, garment workers, teachers, Hindu and Muslim women, young people, etc) offering endorsements for different political parties. The initial waves of AI-generated messaging seemed to benefit Jamaat-e-Islami, but campaigners for rival parties like BNP and NCP are not far behind. The widespread circulation of such emotionally charged, synthetic content raises serious concerns about its disruptive effect as we near the election.
Clearly, we need better safeguards against this trend. While it is impossible to completely eliminate the threat of AI-generated content—nor is all such content produced with malicious intent—the EC must do all it can to limit its misuse with the help of relevant state agencies, political parties, and social media platforms. It is crucial to learn from the experiences of other countries where AI has already disrupted elections. Without swift, informed interventions, Bangladesh too risks seeing its much-awaited election marred by such technologies.
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Just days ahead of the 11th national elections, Election Commissioner Shahadat Hossain Chowdhury today said “situation is under control”.
He came up with the remark in response to a query by reporters at the Election Commission in Dhaka’s Agargaon this afternoon.
Shahadat’s comment comes a day after Election Commissioner Mahbub Talukdar expressed grave concern over the ongoing spate of violence ahead of the polls scheduled to be held on December 30.
Hoping for a free, fair and peaceful election, Shahadat said, “I admit that anxiety grew among people centering the election. I want to term it political heat”.
He said he did not think that the situation was deteriorating ahead of the polls.
WHAT DID ELECTION COMMISSIONER MAHBUB SAY YESTERDAY?
Election Commissioner Mahbub Talukder expressed grave concern over the recent incidents of violence.
Saying that violence and election cannot go hand in hand, he added,“If we cannot hold a peaceful election in a violence-free environment after 47 years of independence, the sacrifice of 30 lakh martyrs for independence and democracy will go in vain. We cannot allow this to happen.”
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The phenomenon of high-ranking bureaucrats joining political parties after retirement is a matter of concern for many citizens. This is because it raises questions about their true loyalty and the integrity of the bureaucracy. When individuals are appointed to serve in government positions, they take an oath to serve the people and uphold the law. However, if they join a political party immediately after retirement, it sends a message that their loyalty may have been divided all along, and that, while serving in the bureaucracy, they may have worked in favour of a certain section of people in power or from within the power structure. And not only that, their subordinates may have also done the same.
To better understand the phenomenon, let us look at the Gaibandha-5 by-election.
The events surrounding the Gaibandha-5 by-election have raised concerns about the integrity of the country's institutions – particularly the Election Commission (EC). The Chief Election Commissioner expressed his frustration with the widespread irregularities that occurred during the by-election, stating that "elections [were] now out of control." The EC suspended the election and announced that it would take legal action against 134 public officials, including a returning officer, one additional deputy commissioner, one executive magistrate, 126 presiding officers, and five sub-inspectors for their involvement in the irregularities.
The reason behind taking such an action is simple: these officials did not act as they were supposed to under oath.
During an election, the civil administration, including the bureaucracy and police, are mandated by law to serve under the direct control of the EC. The EC relies on their integrity to successfully hold a free and fair election. However, during the Gaibandha-5 by-election, the opposite occurred. Officials acted as if they were not under oath and did not provide their allegiance to the Commission, resulting in widespread irregularities.
The fact that public officials acted against their oath raises concerns about who they were serving; the people they were supposed to serve under oath, or the party they are associated with? The aftermath of the by-election sends a negative message to the people, creating doubts about the integrity of these officials and the institutions they serve.
The erosion of institutional integrity is a significant issue. It is leading to a loss of faith in the democratic process of the country. When we lose confidence in the integrity of institutions, we become disillusioned with the democratic process
It is not surprising that the EC has not yet taken visible actions against the public officials. The EC is reliant on the civil administration's cooperation, and without it, the Commission cannot act. Unfortunately, this situation is not unique to Bangladesh, and it is not uncommon for public officials to act against their oath, especially when there is political pressure.
The erosion of institutional integrity is a significant issue. It is leading to a loss of faith in the democratic process of the country. When we lose confidence in the integrity of institutions, we become disillusioned with the democratic process. The second round of the Gaibandha-5 constituency election, held on January 3 with only 35 percent voter turnout, and the EC's shift from "out of control" to "fair, disciplined and peaceful manner", proved that people's participation no longer matters. The ruling party candidate won the by-election.
There was a time when nothing could stop people from exercising their voting rights. Blaming the cold for the lower turnout is perhaps nothing but covering up the weaknesses of the constitutional institutions.
All citizens have a responsibility to vote. Even if the outcome seems predetermined, it is essential to exercise the right to vote and make one's voice heard. It is only by participating in the democratic process that citizens can ensure that their elected officials are held accountable and that institutions remain independent and free from political pressure.
The EC is a constitutional body in Bangladesh. Our constitution has awarded the EC with absolute power to control and direct the civil administration during elections. But this is rendered meaningless if the civil administration does not cooperate with the EC, but ends up doing the opposite.
The events surrounding a few recent parliamentary by-elections and local government elections serve as a warning about the erosion of our institutional integrity. What happened after the local government elections was even worse – several elected representatives, including a freedom fighter, were sacked from their positions on questionable grounds.
Their termination was imminent as they had gone against the candidates nominated by their party, won the election, and faced non-cooperation from the civil administration at the local level. Compared to others, the freedom fighter was fortunate enough to get his position back – thanks to a court ruling declaring his termination illegal.
So, can the EC hold a free and fair national election? Under the prevailing conditions, it is nearly impossible. Why? With only nine months left before the national election, the law ministry is still sitting on the EC's proposal to amend the Representation of the People Order, 1972, the regulating law of the national election. It is mentioned under Article 126 of the constitution that it shall be the duty of all executive authorities to assist the EC in the discharging of its functions.
Can the EC do anything if the executive authorities feel that these are just words written on a piece of paper? It cannot.
These precedents will continue to have serious implications for the integrity of the bureaucracy and the legitimacy of the government's actions. Bureaucracy, civil administration, and law enforcement agencies need to remain impartial and serve the public interest, rather than aligning themselves with political parties.
Much of Bangladesh's recent economic slump is due to public funds being used to benefit mid- and high-ranking executive officials, further exacerbating inequality. But it has worked well in terms of winning their loyalty and confidence for the ruling party, with overall negative consequences for the people and the economy.
Meer Ahsan Habib is a Hubert Humphrey Fellow at Arizona State University. His Twitter handle is @meeriyadh
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BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia yesterday said she would not say anything about Sunday's national election.
She said this when reporters asked her about the election after a hearing of the Niko graft case at a makeshift court inside the Old Dhaka Central Jail.
As she was being taken back to her cell in a wheelchair, she said, “My legs ache too much.”
During the hearing, she told the court, “I won't come to the court if it sits at a place like this. The court can't run here. Our people can't come here. Give me sentence if you want….I won't come to this court.”
Judge Sheikh Hafizur Rahman of the Special Judge Court-9 of Dhaka said, “Start the charge hearing afresh as I am new in this case. I will hear everyone's speech.”
After that, Public Prosecutor of the Anti-Corruption Commission Mosharraf Hossain Kajol read out the charges against Khaleda and 10 others.
BNP standing committee member Barrister Moudud Ahmed, an accused in the case, told the court, “We are yet to get the documents stating the allegations against us although we have applied for them before. We need to read those documents to be able to fight the legal battle.”
He also said the setting of the court was not appropriate for holding a trial as there was no proper seating arrangement for lawyer and others.
Prosecutor Mosharraf Hossain Kajol argued that the defense was trying to delay the charge framing by saying those things.
The court fixed January 13 for the next hearing.
The judge also kept a petition in the case file submitted by Attorney General Mahbubey Alam on November 22 last year seeking permission to produce an FBI agent and two Canadian police as witnesses before the court to testify.
On December 9, 2007, the ACC filed the case with Tejgaon Police Station accusing Khaleda and 10 others of abusing power to award a gas exploration and extraction deal to Canadian company Niko.
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At least 20 BNP leaders and activists including its Khagrachhari district unit President Wadud Bhuiyan were injured in an attack allegedly by Awami League men while campaigning in Ramgarh upazila today.
Wadud, also a former MP and chairman of Chattogram Hill Tracts Development Board, came under attack around 11:30am when he along with his party men was electioneering for Jatiya Oikyafront candidate Shahidul Islam Bhuiyan Farhad, BNP sources said.
At least 20 BNP men including senior leaders of district unit Jobo Dal, Chhatra Dal and other front organisations were injured in the attack by the “ruling party men”, they claimed.
The injured were given treatment at Khagrachhari District Sadar Hospital.
Confirming the news of the clash between AL and BNP men, Ahmar Uzzaman, superintendent of police in Khagrachhari told The Daily Star that police later rushed to the spot and contained the situation.
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