In a political climate defined more by slogans than substance, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) finds itself in an ironic predicament. Despite being the first major party in Bangladesh to propose a full-scale roadmap for national reform, it has been accused of being anti-reform, status quo-driven, or politically outdated. The reality, however, deserves careful unpacking.

In as early as 2016, BNP unveiled its "Vision 2030," a document that laid out a comprehensive reform agenda covering governance, decentralisation, electoral transparency, and economic restructuring. During the anti-authoritarian mass uprising and the subsequent transition to an interim government, BNP not only extended support to the movement but also expanded its reform agenda. These were not merely cosmetic additions; they dealt with core state functions—from electoral reforms and institutional balance to judicial independence and decentralisation of power.

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The more BNP talks about reforms, the less convincing it sounds

And yet, criticisms have continued to swirl around BNP—criticisms that allege resistance to change, a lack of willingness to share power, or a refusal to support reforms such as a bicameral parliament or the redistribution of executive authority.

BNP's position has often been interpreted as reluctance. Take, for example, the proposed reconfiguration of Article 70 of the constitution, which currently disallows MPs from voting against party lines. BNP has voiced support for amending it, but within boundaries: maintaining party discipline during votes of no-confidence, money bills, and constitutional amendments, while allowing greater autonomy otherwise. This is not obstructionism—it is a safeguard against returning to the era of chaotic floor-crossing and "horse-trading" that plagued parliamentary politics in other countries.

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Reform without chaos: A pragmatic approach to national change

Similarly, BNP's reservations about allowing the proposed National Constitutional Council (NCC)—an unelected body—to make major state appointments are grounded in concerns about undermining democratic accountability. In a parliamentary system, if key powers are shifted away from the elected prime minister and parliament, we risk hollowing out the very core of representative democracy. As constitutional scholar Vernon Bogdanor observed, "Reform is not the destination of democracy, but its servant. When it begins to undermine representation, it ceases to serve."

BNP agreed with 20 of the 23 recommendations on judicial reform, 19 of the 20 recommendations on Anti-Corruption Commission reform, and even with a significant portion of reform proposals regarding public administration. Disagreements mostly concern the mechanics of implementation and the preservation of democratic balance. Where the proposals threatened to over-empower unelected actors or weakened the mandate of elected officials, BNP argued against them.

That BNP has been selective in accepting certain recommendations is neither new nor irrational. In fact, such behaviour aligns with democratic practice across the globe. In their influential work Why Nations Fail, Daron Acemoglu and James A Robinson emphasised that reforms succeed only when they emerge from "inclusive political institutions"—that is, reforms must be rooted in legitimacy, debate, and public support, not in theoretical perfectionism or technocratic design.

Therefore, it can be argued that BNP is not opposed to reform. What it resists is impractical idealism dressed up as reform, particularly when such ideas risk further weakening the country's fragile democratic architecture. The acting chairman of BNP, Tarique Rahman, has emphasised this point on several occasions. In a 2023 address, he said, "We are not against reform. We are against experimentalism that jeopardises the people's mandate and institutional stability."

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The price of the vote must be reform

Reform, as history shows us, is always a process—never a precondition for elections. Some voices within the civil society have advocated for completing reforms before holding elections. While the intention may be noble, perhaps the prescription is constitutionally and politically impractical. Reforms, in a democracy, are carried out by elected governments through their electoral mandate. As political theorist Adam Przeworski writes, "Democracy does not promise the best policies, but it guarantees the right to change them."

BNP has invested considerable resources in building consensus around its 31-point roadmap—holding dialogues, consultations, and campaigns in every district, upazila, union, and ward across the country. No other political party has engaged the grassroots so comprehensively on the question of reform. This is not just political strategy; it is democratic pedagogy.

It is worth asking why, despite this sustained effort, BNP is so frequently labelled as anti-reform. The answer may lie in the uneasy political ecosystem of Bangladesh—one in which narratives are often manufactured by partisan echo chambers and amplified by select voices. This, unfortunately, has blurred public perception and reduced complex debates to simplistic binaries: pro-reform vs anti-reform, old vs new, movement vs mainstream.

But such binaries ignore a crucial reality. BNP, despite its past mistakes and the political baggage it carries, remains one of the few parties capable of translating reform into governance. Political scientist Larry Diamond's caution is relevant here, "Democratic reforms fail not because of lack of good ideas, but because of the absence of political will and organisational strength."

Bangladesh stands at a critical crossroads today. Reform is necessary, but not at the cost of elections, and certainly not if it sidelines the very concept of democratic choice. In the end, it is not slogans or social media narratives that will rebuild our institutions—it is political courage, strategic clarity, and an unflinching commitment to the people's mandate. BNP, with all its imperfections, remains one of the few forces in Bangladesh today that is capable of doing that.

H.M. Nazmul Alam is an academic, journalist, and political analyst. He can be reached at [email protected].

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

BNP Standing Committee Member Nazrul Islam Khan today said that the party is not against reforms but is, in fact, committed to the process of reform.

He made the remarks while delivering the opening speech this morning during a dialogue with the National Consensus Commission at the LD Hall of the Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban.

"Some people make various comments, but when they hadn't even uttered the first word of 'reform', it was BNP Chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia who initiated Vision 30. Even before many others thought of reforms, Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman had already announced a 19-point programme. Through discussions with other political parties, we announced a 31-point reform agenda," he said.

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He added that they had made it clear that if anyone could come up with better proposals, BNP would gladly welcome them.

"We are viewing the work of the reform commissions from that perspective. We have already submitted some reform proposals, and more good proposals are coming in. We will consider those and adopt the ones that serve public interest," he said.

He emphasised that the 31-point programme proposed by BNP is both a declaration and a commitment.

"Even if the National Consensus Commission does not prepare a formal charter, the BNP already has one -- the Charter of Reform. So, we are clearly in favour of reforms," he said.

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Nazrul Islam further said that his party believes the proposals coming from the commission are being made in good faith.

"It's fine to aim for something better. But in striving for that, we must not waste time to the extent that people's desire for change fades," he said.

"Reform is an ongoing and inevitable process -- it must happen, and it will evolve with time," he added.

He also mentioned that they had asked the chief adviser the previous day if there was any political party that had undertaken more reforms than BNP.

"BNP has carried out reforms both politically and democratically. It has brought changes across the board," he said.

"We are cooperating with the commission in the hope that the opportunities created by the recent mass uprising can be utilised effectively."

Earlier, while opening the dialogue, Prof Ali Riaz said the aim of this discussion is to formulate a national charter that will lay the foundation for a permanent democratic system in the country.

"Time and again, democracy in our country has stumbled. To prevent such setbacks in the future and to give institutional form to the long-standing struggle of political parties in Bangladesh, we are holding these dialogues," he said.

He expressed hope that through continued dialogue, a consensus can be reached that will enable the country's democracy to be institutionalised and constitutionally secured for the future.

He also said that consensus has already been reached with the BNP on many issues, and expressed optimism that the remaining disagreements can be resolved through further discussion.

The BNP wants to put its trust in the interim government but cannot do so confidently until a specific timeline for the next general election is unveiled.

Despite earlier assurances from the interim government that the polls would be held in December this year, varying statements from Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus have fuelled scepticism within the party leadership.

Addressing police officers, the chief adviser yesterday stressed the need for implementing reforms, saying that the interim administration has "limited time before the upcoming election in December".

Three days earlier, he said the election could take place either in December this year or in June next year, depending on the political consensus around proposed reform packages.

If the political parties agree to a "short reform package", the election could happen this December. However, if they opt for a "comprehensive reform package", the election would be postponed until June next year.

Until the election date is announced, such "floating remarks" are not reassuring, BNP Standing Committee member Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury told The Daily Star yesterday.

"What is the problem in declaring the election date? There has to be a cut-off date for everything. Nothing can be open-ended. Uncertainty surrounding this matter is creating doubts among people, which is unfortunate," he added.

Salahuddin Ahmed, another member of the party's standing committee, termed the chief adviser's remarks "inconsistent".

"Earlier, he [Yunus] said that the election would be held in December. Now he is saying the date may change depending on the undertaking of comprehensive or short reform packages. What we figure now is that constitutional reforms are a major issue, and for this, a parliament is needed."

What is the problem in declaring the election date? There has to be a cut-off date for everything. Nothing can be open-ended.

— Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury

The other reforms could be done through ordinances if all political parties agreed, and it would not take more than three months.

"We don't know why he [Yunus] is making inconsistent comments. We expect him to make it clear that the election will be held by December," he added.

At a programme on Sunday, Mirza Abbas, another standing committee member, said: "We've heard many things -- some say the election will happen, the others say it won't. We don't want to believe in anything. We want to believe that Dr Yunus will stand by his words. We hope to see an election by December."

The BNP's suspicion deepened following a February 10 meeting between its senior leaders and Yunus. After the meeting, BNP leaders said they were assured that the election would be held in December.

However, two weeks later, Shafiqul Alam, the chief adviser's press secretary, said the election could also be held in March next year depending on political consensus.

The BNP leaders believe that the government is trying to cater to the interests of multiple political groups, which may explain the conflicting statements.

They point to the emergence of the National Citizen Party (NCP) led by Nahid Islam as a factor influencing the interim government's strategy.

Nahid recently told Reuters that holding the election in December may be difficult because of the current law and order situation.

However, he added that before polls can be held, it would be crucial to reach a consensus on the "July Charter" that the interim government plans to prepare in consultation with political parties and student activists.

"If we can reach that consensus within a month, we can call for polls immediately. But if it takes more time, the election should be deferred," Nahid added.

Following Nahid's remarks, the BNP standing committee held an emergency meeting where it discussed the possibility of a deliberate delay in the election.

"It is clear that the government is trying to play both sides. On one hand, it is trying to assure the BNP that an election would be held in December. On the other hand, it is trying to keep open the option of holding the election in June next year to satisfy the other political parties," said a senior leader wishing not to be named.

Sarjis Alam, the chief organiser of the NCP for the northern region, made a controversial statement that reinforced BNP's concerns.

Until the execution of Sheikh Hasina, no one should even talk about the election, he said.

Meanwhile, despite the uncertainty, the Election Commission is preparing for a December election.

However, logistical challenges remain.

If the election is delayed beyond December, the next feasible window might not open until October 2026 as there will be Ramadan, HSC exams and the monsoon season from February to June.

The BNP leaders argue that an election delay will only add to the political instability and distrust towards the government.

Before talks of reforms became de rigueur, the BNP and its acting chairman Tarique Rahman have been talking about it. So the question on everyone's mind is why the party opposed some of the proposals by the six reform commissions.

"Many of the proposals that we vetoed seem experimental -- there are hardly any examples of those occurring anywhere in the world. We believe changes have to be sustainable and practical and in keeping with the culture and nature of the people of the land," Amin said.

For instance, the constitution reform commission proposed to establish a National Constitutional Council (NCC) with a majority of opposition representatives, alongside assigning opposition parliamentarians to lead all parliamentary committees.

"Allocating more seats to opposition parties than the ruling party within the NCC contradicts the electoral principle that the majority party should hold greater influence."

This structure could grant disproportionate leverage to opposition parties, potentially enabling them to obstruct government policies or destabilise governance if they do not act responsibly.

"Such an imbalance is uncommon in other democracies and could undermine effective governance."

The suggestion to change the country's name in Bangla appears to be a symbolic gesture rather than a substantive reform.

"Such changes may not address the core issues affecting citizens' lives and could divert attention from more pressing matters that require practical solutions, and the name 'Democratic People's Republic of North Korea' can be an example."

Changing the voting age to 16 years is another suggestion that the party opposed. Only a handful of countries in the world have that as the voting age, Amin said.

The constitution reform commission proposed a four-year term for the prime minister. The BNP maintains that it should be for five years, following the norm in the Westminster parliamentary system.

The four-year tenure of the presidential system that is followed in the US and some Latin American countries is not suitable here, Amin said.

In its landmark 31-point charter, the BNP said none should be the prime minister beyond two consecutive terms, a position the party has stuck to. However, the commission proposed an individual cannot be the prime minister for more than two terms in their lifetime, following the US practice.

"If we look at the best cases of Westminster-style democracy, there is no cap on the prime minister's tenures. As the most liberal political party in the country, we are still proposing it -- and we were the first to do it. The logic was to develop and allow leadership to grow but at the same time allow the previous democratically-elected leader who did a good job to get another shot, reflecting the wishes of the people."

It is unfortunate that reforms and elections have been made mutually exclusive, he said, while recalling the discussions that took place between the party leadership and the other stakeholders between August 5 and August 8 last year before the formation of the interim government.

The main deliverable of the interim government back then was to organise polls after implementing the election-related reforms.

From day one of the interim government, the party insisted on reforms in four areas: election commission, law enforcement, bureaucracy and judiciary.

The issue of wholesale reforms, which has now become a tool to linger the election procedure, was not discussed then, Amin said.

"We see new tools and mechanisms popping up to prolong the duration of the interim government and one may ask if it goes with the aspiration of the mass uprising that we saw. The main job of the interim government is to fulfil what we saw people discuss leading up to the 5th of August and that was the lack of agency and opportunities, which is a by-product of an unelected government where people were deprived of their voting rights for 16 years."

Asked if the party miscalculated when it passed on the chance to be part of a national government after the fall of the Sheikh Hasina-led government, he said that would have been betraying the values and motivations of the party's decade-and-a-half fight, which was to restore democracy in Bangladesh and the caretaker system for conducting elections.

When the interim government was formed, there was a segmentation: the traditional political parties who had fought over the last 16 years and wanted to run in the election; and the non-political stakeholders who had a notable role in the July uprising but had no intent to run for office.

"We had an understanding that those who would go to the interim government would organise a free, fair and credible election as soon as possible. And the ones running in the election would remain outside the government."

Which is why all political parties stayed away from the interim government.

But how the interim government is going about its obligations has been unexpected, Amin said, citing the lack of an election roadmap after eight months as a case in point.

"As a deep-rooted political party with public engagement, we understand people have the common interest to have an election as soon as possible. It is about time that the interim government looks beyond the urban-centric narratives that are disconnected from the grassroots or real-world problems."

The leisurely pace of the trial for atrocities committed during the July uprising and the lack of support of victim families and the injured have been disappointing, he said, adding that the BNP is trying to support the victims with limited capacity, but the state has "all the resources to cover each case".

"And despite the trust and belief that they would not be running in the election, someone has come out of the interim government and formed a political party."

That political party is getting state patronage for its expansion, Amin said.

"At least two of them remain in the government and we don't know yet if they will run in the election. We see student representatives in almost all ministries and there is an inherent conflict of interest: are they representing their political party or the interim government?"

That conflict of interest should be resolved as soon as possible, Amin said.

"As part of a changing political culture and a fair political landscape that we want to create together, we urge them to remain over and above any political controversy."

Both reforms and elections are dynamic, continuous processes in a democracy, he said.

"Now, if someone says that they will do all reforms within a specific timeframe and then an elected government will come -- does that mean the elected government will not do any reforms? Does the country become static? It never works that way."

The BNP views reforms as a holistic exercise that would not only ensure checks and balances in the government but also correct the system to enable the development and welfare of the people, said Amin, who has been instrumental in giving form to Rahman's vision of a progressive, tolerant and rules-based Bangladesh, which has been in the works for about a decade and a half.

His association with Rahman goes back to 2011, when the latter was engaging with bright Bangladeshi minds in British academia to give intellectual and practical heft to his vision.

A PhD student of management studies then, he was inducted into Rahman's team to work on inclusive development policies and state reforms and was subsequently made his adviser in 2014.

"I particularly appreciated the opportunity he gave me to work on the contextual application of the best practices of the Westminster-style democracy in Bangladesh. That was a whole different world in 2011, 2012, 2013 -- no one could think of such a massive shift in the political culture back then but Tarique Rahman thought about it. That was the vision."

Specifically, Rahman was fascinated with the bicameral parliament system; establishing the independence of the judiciary; creating a balance of power between the executive branch, the parliament and the judiciary; and creating a balance of power between the head of state (president) and head of government (prime minister).

Rahman's vision was articulated in what became the 31-point charter unveiled in 2023, which his teams in Bangladesh and abroad put together from countless brainstorming sessions with relevant professionals, experts and pro-democracy stakeholders; empirical research and grassroots feedback.

The charter accommodated the views of all like-minded political parties involved in the movement against the previous regime and was adopted by them, too.

Each of the 31 points came about through an iterative process, Amin said.

"Our 31-point reform agenda not only attempts to ensure accountability and transparency in the state structure, it also attempts to financially empower people regardless of profession and background and to solve problems in their regular life. The BNP's biggest pride is that whatever discourse there is in Bangladesh today about reforms, pretty much all the practical and widely accepted proposals came from that charter."

With Rahman's direction, dedicated backend teams are working to fine-tune the working procedure for each of these reform and development policies.

So much so that if the BNP forms the government at this moment, Rahman has a concrete plan for what would be done in the first 100 days, 180 days and 360 days.

"Our leader is very confident of delivering those -- and he is promising only as much as we can deliver."

The teams and the roadmap would be unveiled before the election, Amin said, adding that a glimpse of the party's plan for the economy and businesses was shared during the Bangladesh Investment Summit 2025.

"How do we create jobs? How can we empower women and ensure their safety? How do the labourers and farmers get fair compensation for their efforts? How can we provide quality multilingual education and healthcare for all? How do we solve the traffic problem? How can we keep inflation at a tolerable level? Our leader has worked on those and has targeted policies."

This leads to the question of the BNP's involvement in the epoch-making July uprising, which has created the ground for the party's second coming. The BNP -- and particularly Rahman -- was more involved than what it publicly takes credit for, according to Amin's version of events.

About 1,400 died during the uprising, according to the estimates of the UN's fact-finding mission -- and more than 500 of them were BNP party workers, Amin said. About 5,000 of the party's members were arrested, including the top brass, while its central office was raided and district offices were vandalised, according to reports.

However, the party does not want unilateral recognition for toppling the Goliathan Awami League-led government.

"BNP as the main opposition party was always in the field against the Hasina regime. But when a ruling party loses its nature and becomes a human rights violator and takes a turn towards fascism, it cannot be toppled through a political movement -- a mass uprising is needed."

This is what happened in the July uprising.

"For the first time in 16 years, people from all walks of life at home and abroad came out and participated in their own capacities, on the internet and the streets. And the BNP leaders and activists ensured the numbers on the ground and were prepared for the ultimate sacrifice," said Amin, who shared how Rahman worked round-the-clock to see the movement to its finishing line.

The conversation then veers towards the BNP's preparedness to lead the government after so many years in the wilderness.

"We have the capacity and the technical human resources and most importantly, the commitment to the country's development, as demonstrated by the past BNP governments of President Ziaur Rahman and Prime Minister Khaleda Zia."

And stumping out corruption will be the single overarching ethos of the BNP government.

The party will commission a white paper in all ministries to unearth the length and breadth of corruption over the past 16 years and start an ombudsman, a system through which people can lodge complaints against any government official and members of parliament in a transparent manner.

It also proposed an all-party parliamentary committee to vet recruitment for key posts in state institutions such as the heads of the Anti-Corruption Commission, law enforcement agencies, the Election Commission as well as the judiciary. 

As for the ongoing allegations of extortion and capturing institutions by BNP men, Amin maintains that Rahman has zero tolerance for such activities and doles out the harshest punishment if credible proof of the offences is obtained "as there is a lot of misinformation and disinformation".

"We have seen many rags-to-riches stories since the 5th of August among other stakeholders but we saw no visible action against those individuals. In a departure from the culture of impunity indulged by the political parties in Bangladesh, the BNP is the only party that is investigating all incidents and has so far expelled about 2,000 of its members after allegations against them proved true."

The current orchestrated campaign is not too dissimilar from the one faced by the party, its chairperson, Khaleda Zia, and Rahman since the turn of the century at the hands of the media.

"Even after using the entire state apparatus, the Awami League government could not find any proof against Khaleda Zia and Tarique Rahman -- it's a shocking development."

Amin maintains that the BNP is committed to media freedom, as has been the case since the party's inception.

"As the largest victim of curbs on freedom of speech, the BNP commits to the nation that this sort of vengeance would not be tolerated. We commit to build a Bangladesh based on the fundamental democratic values, which are freedom of expression, human rights and rule of law."

In a BNP-led government, press freedom, safety and security of journalists and freedom of expression will be ensured, he said.

However, the party will have zero tolerance for extremism, terrorism and separatism.

"Living in a multicultural environment and pluralistic society for so long, our leader Tarique Rahman's vision is to replicate that setting here, where different beliefs and ideologies coexist."

Asked how pragmatic that vision is in the Bangladesh context, he said: "He is aware of the ground reality and will work to educate and engage people through awareness campaigns and school curriculum."

Besides, the political ideology of the BNP is "Bangladeshi nationalism", which means ensuring the ownership of people and that every Bangladeshi has the same rights and freedom irrespective of creed, religion, ethnicity and beliefs.

This ideology informs any BNP government's foreign policy, which is based on "equality, fairness and justice".

"The underlying philosophy is that Bangladesh will forge sustainable relations at bilateral and multilateral levels that will take no masters but only friends. The BNP-led government will not side with a camp at the cost of our national interest and instead focus on policies of mutual interest. We like to foster global integration through trade and investment and ensure that we play a responsible actor in this integrated world."

This then leads to the million-dollar question: when would the party's leader Tarique Rahman be coming back given that there is no legal bar to his return to Bangladesh?

"Arrangements are being made for his return as we speak -- it's just a matter of time. He is eager to be among his people and the people of Bangladesh and fight for the rights of his activists who are still in jail or have fake politically motivated cases on them."

The BNP will hold talks with like-minded political parties to come up with a comprehensive action plan to drum up support for election by December. 

The decision came at the party's standing committee meeting last night, a day after a disappointing meeting with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus.

Party leaders believe the government might be holding something back and that is why it's not coming up with a specific timeline for the election.

However, the party will not take a hard line right now. Instead, it wants to hold nationwide soft programmes, like rallies and processions on various issues, focusing on the election, to maintain momentum.

The programmes will be finalised after consultations with all like-minded political parties, sources in the standing committee said.

Party insiders said a tentative three-month action plan is ready, and its implementation would be discussed with the allies.

BNP acting chairman Tarique Rahman presided over the standing committee meeting held at the chairperson's Gulshan office.

Before the meeting, BNP Standing Committee Member Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury said, "The election atmosphere is already taking shape across the country. We have to be prepared; we are heading into the pre-election phase. It's only natural that we announce pre-election programmes. Such announcements are expected."

Party leaders at last night's meeting stressed that they want to send a strong message that people across the country are eager for elections.

Earlier yesterday, BNP Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed reaffirmed the party's commitment to state reforms and said that it is seriously engaging with the National Consensus Commission (NCC) to reach a consensus.

"BNP is serious about reforms. That's why we're actively discussing with the commission, point by point," he told reporters after a meeting with the NCC at the LD Hall of Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban.

He criticised the spreadsheet circulated by the NCC, saying that it "misled" political parties and created "unnecessary confusion" regarding the state reform.

He added that many proposals were missing from the spreadsheet and did not reflect the commission's detailed proposals.

"We're reviewing the core proposals and aiming for reforms that truly serve the national interest," he said.

He also expressed concerns over judiciary-related reforms, claiming that the BNP had been misled by an earlier version of the proposals sent by the Judiciary Reform Commission.

"Our proposals on judicial appointments have been mischaracterised. We want reforms, but they must be done constitutionally," he said, reaffirming BNP's stance on judicial independence.

In his introductory remarks, another BNP Standing Committee member, Nazrul Islam Khan, said that BNP has always led the way in reform initiatives.

"Before others even spoke of reforms, Begum Khaleda Zia initiated Vision 2030. Shaheed president Ziaur Rahman had presented a 19-point programme about the state reform," he said.

Nazrul said that BNP already proposed a 31-point reform agenda and would welcome better recommendations from others.

"We're evaluating the reform commission's work from that perspective. Good proposals are coming in, and we'll adopt those that will serve public interest."

He emphasised that BNP's 31-point programme is not just a declaration but a firm commitment.

"Even if the commission does not produce a formal charter, the BNP already has one -- the Charter of Reform. So, we are clearly in favour of reforms," he said.

Nazrul expressed optimism about the commission's intentions. "We believe these proposals are being made in good faith. Reform is a continuous and inevitable process -- it must happen and will evolve."

He also mentioned that the BNP delegation asked the chief adviser during Wednesday's meeting whether any party has undertaken more reform initiatives than BNP.

"BNP has brought changes across the board -- both politically and democratically. We're engaging with the commission to make the most of the opportunities created by the recent mass uprising," he added.

Earlier, while opening the dialogue, Prof Ali Riaz, NCC vice-chairman, said the objective of the discussions is to formulate a national charter that will serve as a foundation for a sustainable democratic system in Bangladesh.

"Democracy has stumbled repeatedly in our country. These talks aim to institutionalise our long-standing democratic struggles and prevent future setbacks," he said.

Prof Riaz added that a consensus had already been built with the BNP on many issues and expressed hope that remaining differences could be resolved through dialogue.

The five-member BNP delegation also included Ismail Jabiullah, BNP chairperson's advisory council member, its leaders Abu Md Muniruzzaman Khan, former public administration secretary,and Ruhul Quddus Kajol, ex-Supreme Court Lawyers Association general secretary.

The NCC officially began its journey on February 15 through a meeting with political parties.

A "July Charter", which will outline a roadmap for the future of Bangladesh, is expected to be finalised based on a consensus around reform proposals ahead of the next national election.

Earlier, the commission sent a spreadsheet with 166 reform recommendations to 39 political parties, seeking their opinions.