BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia’s adviser Inam Ahmed Chowdhury, who was nomination seeker of the opposition party from Sylhet-1, officially joined the ruling Awami League today.

He formally joined the ruling party after offering bouquet of flower to AL President and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina at her official residence Gono Bhaban this evening.

A member of prime minister's press wing confirmed the development to The Daily Star.

What is happening in the name of a general election on January 7 is, in reality, an attempt to take away people's voting rights. In a real election, all contestants can take part freely, and voters have several options to choose from to be their representatives. As we can see, voters won't really have many choices on January 7. The Awami League has put up its own candidates as its "rival" contestants. Its allies did not have confidence in this "rivalry"; hence, they sought assurance on seat-sharing beforehand, and the ruling party came to an understanding with the allies in this regard. Besides, unofficial arrangements are being made to ensure seats for some.

In the rest of the seats where the ruling party is claiming to have the so-called "contest," the main Awami League candidates are competing against dummy or "independent" candidates put up by the party to make the election look free and fair. When this is the situation, this election cannot be considered a proper one. We think the people of the country have rejected this election seeing it for what it really is: a farce.

Though the ruling party has been claiming to want a participatory election, they have created such a situation—cracking down on opposition parties and arresting their leaders—that there is little scope for the main opposition to enter the race. Many political parties, including Ganosamhati Andolan, have been claiming for a long time that a free and fair election is not possible under a partisan government. This has always been the case, and it was the Awami League which, as the party in opposition, waged a movement to establish a neutral caretaker government system.

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Nothing is normal if we don’t have our rights

However, the caretaker government system had some practical flaws. The Awami League accused BNP of trying to influence the caretaker government as well. Hence, a proposition to amend these flaws was raised, and even Awami League's parliamentary committee tabled some proposals to that end. But when it came back to power, it opted to scrap the caretaker government system altogether through the 15th Amendment of the constitution and made elections under the partisan government constitutional in 2011.

Since then, the ruling party has been parroting that the election must be held in accordance with the constitution. We have witnessed two general elections under the Awami League government: In 2014, we saw an election where half the seats were won uncontested, and in 2018, ballot stuffing happened the night before election day. These two elections proved without a shred of doubt that a free and fair election is not possible under a partisan government. So the main opposition has, quite logically, raised their demand for a caretaker government system to be framed in the constitution. And this demand is based on political consensus.

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What comes after January 7?

The Awami League could have done it if it wanted to. But instead, they snuffed out any possibilities of a dialogue. And using the planned violence at the BNP rally October 28, they cracked down on the BNP members.

So the main opposition's decision to boycott the January 7 election can be considered fair. They are also urging ordinary people to boycott the election. This appeal is getting significant positive response from the people, and the government knows that.

If you look at the history of parliamentary elections in the country, it is evident how enthusiastic Bangladeshis are about exercising their voting rights. For instance, the participation of voters in the 1991 election was 58 percent, 74-75 percent in 1996, 75-76 percent in 2001, and almost 86 percent in 2008. This time, however, the Awami League government is holding an election where they themselves are saying that the main challenge is to bring voters to the polling centres.

Since voters are reluctant to take part in this election, the ruling party has resorted to intimidation tactics, such as taking away VGF, elderly allowance, widow allowance, etc cards from social safety net beneficiaries, holding the cards until after the election, telling the voters they could get their cards back after they vote on January 7. In some cases, we have seen how supporters of the main opposition are being threatened to go to the polling booths, threatening to withhold important public services like birth registration, character certificate issuance, etc if they don't. Such threats violate people's freedom of choosing to vote. This is how the ruling regime is trying to validate this farce of an election.

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Can BNP survive the pre-election meltdown?

It may seem too late to state this now, but we believe that it is still possible to hold a participatory election by disbanding the parliament—the constitution allows a 90-day period to hold a national election following the disbandment of a parliament. During this period, the authorities can engage with the main opposition to resolve this political crisis. We urge all relevant authorities to take this route.

Translated from Bangla by Sumaiya Binte Shams.

Zonayed Saki is chief coordinator of Ganosamhati Andolan.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission. 

Prime Minister and Awami League President Sheikh Hasina today said no one could survive in Bangladesh politics if they follow the suggestion of their backers, in an apparent reference to BNP.

"BNP was out to foil the national election [held on January 7]. They have some backers. They don't know the Bangladesh people. It will not be possible to survive in Bangladesh following backers' advice," she said.

The premier said this as the Awami League (AL) leaders and activists gathered at the Gono Bhaban to wish her on her party's landslide victory in the national polls, paving her way to become the prime minister for the fourth consecutive term.

The younger daughter of Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and younger sister of the prime minister, Sheikh Rehana, presented a flower bouquet to her elder sister Sheikh Hasina.

The premier said that AL has no foreign backers as the people are their strength.

"We have no masters. The people of Bangladesh are our masters and our strength. The people's faith and confidence are our strength," she said.

Despite conspiracies of the BNP-Jamaat clique to thwart the 12th parliamentary election, Sheikh Hasina said a free, fair, neutral and participatory election was held with spontaneous participation of the people.

"The January 7 election will be written in golden letter in the history of Bangladesh," she said, extending thanks to the people concerned including the Election Commission, law enforcement forces, and armed forces for holding a wonderful election.

She said the January 7 election was totally free, fair, disciplined, participatory and competitive among the polls held after 1975.

"We have proved that the election can be held in a free and fair manner under the Awami League government," she said.

The prime minister asked the party leaders and workers to work in unison, forgetting everything for the welfare of the country and its people.The AL president said many of the party nominated candidates have been defeated by independent candidates, even though they thought they would win.

Mentioning that conspiracies are being hatched to cash in on the differences between the party men, she said, "So, work shoulder to shoulder for the welfare of the country and its people forgetting everything by showing respect to the people's mandate," she said.

The premier commended the spontaneous participation of women in the election, saying it is the outcome of ensuring women empowerment.

In this connection, she said a 130-year old woman cast her vote for boat in her Tungipara-Kotalipara constituency.

Quoting the aged women, she said, "I want to cast my vote for Sheikh Hasina for the last time."

Sheikh Hasina said the BNP leaders and activists have now become frustrated as their party boycotted the election.

She said that the non-participation of some political parties in election doesn't matter, adding the participation of the masses matters.

"If the people don't want the Awami League in power, we will abide by their mandate," the premier said.

Mentioning that the masses had dislodged the BNP government within one and a half months as they assumed power through rigging votes on February 15, 1996 election.

"The people of Bangladesh never accept any injustice," she said.

The prime minister reiterated her pledge to transform Bangladesh into a developed, prosperous and smart country by 2041.

Although the BNP has decided not to join the upcoming upazila polls as a political party, many party leaders are in favour of allowing its leaders and activists to contest the elections as independent candidates.

The party may allow individuals to run for the race as it would help boost the party's grassroots morale and speed up the organisational activities, said party insiders.

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First phase of upazila polls on May 8: EC

"We will not join the polls as a party, but many of us believe that grassroots leaders should be allowed to take part in the elections. As the polls will be held at the local level, BNP's presence is very important for its future protest programmes," said a standing committee member, wishing not to be named.

The BNP has been staying away from all polls since 2019 and the party expelled its leaders who contested elections going against the party's decision. The party even boycotted the January 7 election, stating that a free and fair election is not possible under the incumbent government.

A senior leader of the party said they will try to convince the party activists not to participate in the polls, but if anyone joins, they will not be expelled.

He added that to hold the public support at the local level, the party should go soft on those who will stand for elections.

The Awami League already decided that it would not permit its leaders to use its electoral symbol -- "boat" -- in the upazila elections.

BNP leaders said there was no scope of joining the polls as a political party as it would give the ruling AL a weapon to say that the BNP has made a blunder by boycotting the January 7 polls.

They said the AL has taken the strategy of not giving nomination to any candidate for two considerations. One is to bring the BNP into the election, thereby allowing the AL to say that the BNP made a wrong decision by boycotting the national polls. The other consideration is that the BNP candidates participating in the polls may end up winning in only a few upazilas, but not being successful in most, which would give the ruling party a chance to show that BNP's popularity no longer exists.

The issue of the upazila election was discussed in the BNP's last standing committee meeting on Sunday where leaders gave different opinions.

One group said the party should not take part in the polls and should not allow its leaders to contest the elections as independents.

Those leaders said if the party boycotts the election, it will lose its festive atmosphere and it would be an intra-party election as the contenders will be only from the ruling party.

The other group said the party should not join the polls, but if any leaders take part as independents, they should not be barred. 

They added that turnout in the local government elections is always high as upazila chairman and vice-chairman candidates usually maintain regular contacts with locals.

Besides, people also consider many local issues in the local government polls and for this, the BNP will find it difficult to keep people away from casting votes, they opined.

The first phase of the upazila polls will be conducted on May 8.

Since the Awami League's fourth consecutive victory in what appeared to be an essentially one-sided election, much of the discussion has centred on the future trajectory of politics and the potential impact on business and the economy. A crucial institution—the Election Commission (EC)—should not skip a closer scrutiny of its role in staging the election, which allowed the ruling party to manipulate the system adeptly and walk away unchallenged. During an event on January 18, Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Kazi Habibul Awal, without taking any responsibility, finally acknowledged that people's confidence in the electoral system has declined.

The CEC's realisations that the election was not sufficiently participatory and that "the crisis still remains as the polls (have) not been acceptable to some parties" make us wonder how he could still claim that "the nation could overcome a crisis through this election"? His remarks at the thanks-giving event at the commission indicate that they are struggling to reconcile with the facts that the election they conducted fell far short of the threshold of a democratic exercise. Putting together his admission of "not participatory enough" with his previous assertion that if one percent vote was cast, the polls would get legality but not legitimacy, one can easily deduce that this election's legitimacy is in question.

The EC's attempts to portray the election as participatory and fair seem to have been more focused on appearance than on genuine efforts to achieve these goals. For instance, sending an invitation letter to the deserted and locked BNP office—instead of ensuring an enabling environment—appeared to be a mere public relations stunt. The cancellation of one sitting MP's candidature for violating electoral code served as a diversion from the EC's inaction in numerous other violations.

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‘A setback for US-Bangladesh relations’

The Transparency International Bangladesh's (TIB) 12th National Parliament Election Process Tracking report, published last week, sheds light on the EC's failures. One of the most crucial observations by TIB is, "The Election Commission, sometimes by compulsion in the name of Constitutional and legal compulsion and on occasions by design, played the role of a key catalyst for the realization of the agenda of the one-sided election. Other state institutions, especially law enforcement agencies and administration were also used to play, or played the same role in similar ways." The report outlines the EC's failures throughout the pre-election phase, the campaign phase, and the actual election period. The pre-election phase included voter registration, redrawing of constituencies, registration of new political parties, making changes in the Representation of the People Order (RPO), holding dialogue as part of its confidence-building exercise, registrations of local and foreign observers, role of political parties, schedule announcement, and submission of nominations and scrutinisation of their validity. Unfortunately, each of those acts stoked new controversies and raised questions about the EC's mandated neutrality and independence. Its handling of observers—international observers, in particular—is a pretty shocking example of its complicity with the government. It has allowed fake foreign observers despite our earlier warnings about it and reminders of instances during the 2018 election.

Though ministers have lambasted TIB by comparing it as a front of the opposition BNP, its research on 50 constituencies, spread throughout eight divisions and 41 districts, is quite extensive and covers all kinds of irregularities and violations of electoral rules and code of conduct. The findings, which align with reports from national and international media, challenge the credibility of the election.

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The guilt that comes with voting at a farcical election

It's not only the mainstream media. Social media platforms, too, are awash with videos exposing irregularities, including ballot stuffing, children casting votes, creation of fake queues in the presence of foreign media and observers, and polling agents being forced out. This evidence further underscores the need for a thorough examination of the EC's role. Had the EC installed CCTV cameras at the polling stations instead of spending so much energy on its electronic voting machine (EVM) project, which was eventually abandoned due to a lack of funding, it could have managed the polls a little better. As statements made by losing nominees of the ruling Awami League and its allies, including some top politicians, also supplemented TIBs findings, one might wonder whether Obaidul Quader would call them BNP spokespersons as well.

In the absence of real competition and given the opposition's boycott, both the ruling party and the EC focused their attention on ensuring at least 50 percent voter turnout. The sudden and mysterious rise of turnout figures in the last hour of election day, which otherwise seems improbable, raised strong suspicion that it was yet another act by the EC to assist the ruling party to make the election appear reasonably participatory.

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A review of the 2024 electoral drama

With election expert groups from the European Union and the IRI-NDI of the United States seeking access to detailed data on voter turnout, questions surrounding the credibility of the election persist. Despite its promise to give a turnout figure every two hours on the polling day through its Smart Election Management app, which had cost a staggering Tk 21 crore, the EC failed miserably. Later, CEC Awal was quoted by some media saying that he heard the app had been hacked. It sounds like a very convenient coincidence that further complicates the mystery of a sudden spike in voting figures.

The Election Commission is reportedly taking an initiative to have an upazila election in March. When the chief of this constitutional body admits that people's confidence in the country's electoral process has decreased, moving ahead with another nationwide election without addressing the deep-rooted issues with the last would invite more questions. Without a national dialogue to establish an acceptable election management mechanism, these elections may only strengthen the ruling party's grip over the local government structure.

Kamal Ahmed is an independent journalist. His X handle is @ahmedka1

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.