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Human Rights

Despair of the Tripura

Shudeepto Ariquzzaman Back from Shitakunda

Chandiram Tripura can only look at his birthplace from the other side of the fence. PHOTO: CHANCHANA CHAKMA

“Every family must provide day labour to work in the fields of the landlord everyday for 140 taka. It does not matter whether there are better offers in the fields or gardens of other owners, those who live in this area must work the in fields of the company that owns the land. Those who miss out on a day's work will face harsh penalties and that might mean evacuation from our homes,” says Nikunja Tripura, an aboriginal day labourer from Choto Kumira, Shitakunda, “if we are evacuated from our own homes, where shall we go?”

This sounds more like a story dating back from the British era when the feudal system was in place. Unfortunately, Nikunja Tripura resides in 21st century Bangladesh, where such tales of repression from the landlords should have been read only in the pages of history. But even now, in some places of Bangladesh, most notably among the aboriginal population in these regions, mandatory labour dating back from the British era is still very much of a reality. “When one of us is sick, he or she must find a replacement from the village, otherwise there shall be harsh consequences from the company,” says Nikunja.

The Tripura para (neighbourhood of the Tripura) in Choto Kumira, Shitakunda, Chittagong is inhabited by 92 Adibashi families. Like most Tripura neighbourhoods, the light of modern civilisation has yet to penetrate through the thick canopy of forests covering the hills that often provides some members of the Tripura community with a livelihood. “I go up the hills and cut bamboos for a living,” says 70-year-old Biswakumar Tripura as he returns from his day's work carrying a huge and heavy bag full of bamboos. “We have lived in this place for generations, now there are rumours that we shall be evicted. There are hardly any educated people in this area; most of us are dependent on day labour, jhum cultivation (slash and burn cultivation) and cutting bamboos.”

The Tripura tribe in Bangladesh concentrated in the regions of Sylhet, Moulvibazar, Rajbari, Comilla, Chandpur, Mirshorai, Hathajari, Chokoria, Fotikchhari and Shitakunda as well as the three hill districts of Khagrachhari, Rangamati and Bandarban is one of the 13 Adibashi hill tribes. Unlike the other tribes of Tibeto-Burmese stock in Bangladesh, the Tripura tribes are unique in the sense that they inhabit both the plains and the hills and can be located across different regions of the country. The Tripura tribe is the third largest hill tribe of Bangladesh, coming after the Chakmas and Marmas. Unlike most hill tribes, members of the Tripura tribe tend to adhere to Hinduism as opposed to Buddhism.

Ancient history indicates that the Tripura tribe probably migrated from near the upper courses of the Yangtze Kiang and the Hwang Ho Rivers in Western China. Although there are no credible records, historians believe that the Tripura tribe reached Assam valley well before the Christian era.

These Tripura villagers must work as day labourers or face
eviction from their homes. PHOTO: CHANCHANA CHAKMA

Gradually, the tribe annexed the present day Indian state of Tripura. The Tripura tribe also asserted their influence in the regions of Sylhet, Comilla, Noakhali and Chittagong and successfully defied the onslaught of the mighty Mughal Empire to retain their own kingdom over large swathes of these territories. With the advent of British rule, the kingdom's territory and influence shrank and although the Tripura kings still retained their old kingdom in most parts, they were heavily dependent on the British politically, diplomatically and militarily. With the birth of Pakistan and India, on August 14 and 15, 1947 respectively, the regions under the rule of the Tripura kingdom became divided between the two new nations. Like other tribes inhabiting the hills, the minority Tripura tribe had long been special targets for repression. Since Tripura tribes in Shitakunda and other Bengali majority areas are geographically isolated from the Hill Tracts, they have become easier targets for suppression.

“In the hill districts, there are at least strong communities among the Adibashi and even though there is much oppression, we have earned the voice to launch an united front for protests in co-ordination with the other tribes against injustices committed against us,” comments Haripada Tripura, Information and Publicity Secretary of Bangladesh Tripura Welfare Congress. “But in Shitakunda and other places disconnected from the Hill Tracts, it is all together a different story for the Tripura community as they are a very small minority in these areas. Thus for generations, the Tripura community in these regions are easy to single out as victims of fear and subjugation. Also there are very few educated people in this particular area among the Tripura community.”

Although not all Tripura communities are necessarily victims of mandatory labour, tales of deceit and despair can be heard in all Tripura neighbourhoods. “My father was the general manager of this garden and he used to work under (late) Mokbul Ahmed,” says Chandiram Tripura, pointing to the Bashbaria rubber garden. “We knew all along that he owned a place in the gardens of 11 acre 34 per cent. We even have documents to prove his ownership of the land. But suddenly in 1996, his son Kawsar Zaman claimed that his father had purchased 11 acres and 28 per cent from my father back in 1978. He has even procured fake documents to back up his claims and ordered the evacuation of myself and two other brothers who used to live in these gardens ever since we were born. I am now living at my daughter's house.” Incidentally, the fake documents were produced under the name of Mosammat Shireen who happens to be Kawsar Zaman's stepmother. Chandiram Tripura claims that the documents carry fake signatures and are not at all valid.

“There is no reason to suppose my father had sold the land to Mokbul Ahmed, had he done so we would have been aware of it. I am a poor man and I do not have the means to challenge a rich man like Kawsar Zaman in court,” says Chandiram Tripura. Kawsar Zaman has not been in the locality since the current government took power last year. General Manager Mofidullah, who currently looks after the affairs of the plantation, was not available for comment.

In other Tripura neighbourhoods, there were different accounts to be heard from the tribal communities. Though their stories were of a different nature, one thing was certain: every Tripura community is in one way or another victims of false promises, deception or other forms of oppression.

“Almost 35 years ago we made an agreement with Eskander Chowdhury who owned the land. Under the terms of the agreement, we were supposed to clear the forests and make the hills eligible for the cultivation of different varieties of trees that will yield fruits. The terms of agreement clearly stated that we were entitled to an equal share of the yields from the gardens that were to be cultivated by us,” says 55-year-old Padmakumar Tripura from Tripura para, Mohadebpur. “Accordingly, 46 families all together participated in the arduous work of clearing the forests and making the land eligible for gardening. But even before the year was over, and the first fruits of our hard-earned labour began to appear on the trees, Chowdhury went back on his promises. Since then they have had been enjoying 100 per cent of the profits from the produce, while we had to be content with working as day labourers on the very land we had once made adequate for gardening mangoes and jackfruits. Today, excepting 29 families, others have migrated to different parts of the region for their livelihoods.”

The local administration in Shitakunda seems quite aware and even sympathetic concerning the various problems facing the Tripura tribes. “Personally I am very interested in the welfare of the Tripura community,” claims Shitakunda Upazila Chairman Abdullah Al Baker Bhuiyan. “I am totally aware of the nature of the problems facing the community, but unfortunately we have not been accorded the necessary powers. I believe that land belongs to those who work on it, but in reality we notice that those who are not involved in agricultural labour are enjoying the ownership of the land.”

Union Parishad (UP) chairman Abdur Rouf comments, “The land of Shitakunda has been declared as uncultivable land by the government. So according to the current land laws, the land cannot be allocated. It is up to government policymakers to formulate new guidelines for the rehabilitation of the Tripura community.”

As long as there are no special guidelines for the protection of this vulnerable minority, Tripura community members like Chandiram Tripura will have to look at their birthplace from another side of the fence.


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