Enrolling stranded Pakistanis

In the then East Pakistan all its Urdu-speaking residents were commonly known as Biharis. Among such people were Punjabis, Pathans and non-Bangalee Indian emigrants. The unfortunate shooting in 1952 was the first shock to the foundation of Pakistan. In the quest for making Bangla as one of the two state languages of Pakistan, the Bangla-speaking and non-Bangla speaking people started moving apart.
With the Bengalis agitating for getting due status for their language, the non-Bangalee population started feeling uncertain about their future in the then East Pakistan. Gradually, they started migrating to West Pakistan in small numbers. Some of them, however, had a feeble hope that the Bengalis' desire for establishing Bangla as one of the state languages of Pakistan may be repressed.
Under the able leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Bengalis started gaining ground to reach their goal. At this stage, no political party (except Muslim League) in Pakistan felt strongly about the need for strengthening nationalism. Others were more concerned about their own party's interest.
In such a situation, a few hundred thousand non-Bengali people had no other option but to look toward the Pakistan government for their security. It may be pointed out that, because of the rule by military governments from 1958 to 1971, there could not be any political approach for the political problem.
The Awami League was fully aware of the fact that attaining independence of Bangladesh was an extremely difficult proposition because of lack of Bangalees in both the civilian and the military departments. Thus, it thought of organising the Bangalee population against the ruling junta. The Pakistani military government, rather foolishly, chose the path of repression of the Bangalees, with the direct support of the non-Bangalees. Thus, the Biharis (non-Bangalee) became victim of circumstances.
We feel sorry for the stranded Pakistanis who migrated from India with great hope and aspirations. In the communal riots of 1946, a large number of Bihari Muslims lost their lives in Calcutta and Bihar. Their greatest mistake was not integrating with the local Bangalees. Instead they became agents of the Pakistan government.
The Biharis have paid enough for their lack of political wisdom. The miscreant Biharis who worked for anti-liberation forces could leave Bangladesh safely, though many of them could not be re-habilitated properly in Pakistan. Some of those Biharis had to leave behind close relatives in Bangladesh. Thus, it became a human problem for both Pakistan and Bangladesh.
Notwithstanding the concern shown by successive Bangladesh governments during the last 36 years, the problem of re-habilitation of several hundred thousand "stranded Pakistanis" could not be solved because of lack of interest of the Pakistani governments. Pakistani governments have informed us that these Biharis were not acceptable to the local Pakistanis.
We do not know the real truth. However, we have to admit that re-habilitation of these "stranded Pakistanis" should be done at the earliest, because of two considerations. First, they came to this part of Pakistan as refugees. The then central and provincial governments accepted them and gave them citizenship, and second, as Bangladesh was created through a war of liberation and not by any political settlement, the Bangladesh government cannot remain indifferent to the issue of re-habilitation of these people.
The "stranded Pakistanis" deserves no less sympathy than the displaced Palestinians. If Palestinians can be re-habilitated why not these people, whose ancestors sacrificed their hearths and homes in the hope for living in their "land of dream."
The Biharis are now living in abject misery, much worse than our rickshaw pullers. They have passed their life stranded in 80 sq. ft. (per family) for the last 36 years. The question of their re-habilitation is no more a political question. It is a human problem for both Pakistan and Bangladesh.
Though successive governments of Bangladesh failed to solve the problem of the "stranded Pakistanis," it appears that the CTG is proceeding with problem properly. The decision to give voting rights to the Urdu-speaking people who were born in Bangladesh after December 16, 1971, and those who were between 10 and 18 years during the Liberation War, is a bold one. It will be a flicker of hope for the "stranded Pakistanis." If the decision is vetted by the law ministry the following points may be looked into:
* Whether the camp dwellers will be evicted or displaced.
* Whether ID card will get access to property, education, social security and secured job.
* What may happen to older generation who do not fit in the set categories for making them voters? Will they be evicted?
We are certain that the CTG will not take any decision which may cause suffering to the "stranded Pakistanis." Around 116,000, out of 300,000, "stranded Pakistanis" will get ID cards. The rest 184,000 may also be indirectly benefited because they are mainly relatives of those 116,000 who may get economic, social and political benefit from the government.

The writer is a former joint secretary.