I. K. Gujral: An embodiment of the South Asian dream

It should perhaps come as no surprise given the skullduggery, brinkmanship, and distrust colouring relations between South Asia's three largest nations -- India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh -- that arguably the greatest proponent of peace and unity among its leaders -- former Indian premier Inderjit Kumar Gujral, who passed away in Haryana on Thursday -- lasted barely a year as prime minister of its most important nation. The end of his premiership in April 1998 was a precursor to the deadly Kargil conflict soon after, when India and Pakistan fought a brief war along the front in Kashmir that both sides claim to have won. In truth, neither side could point to enough tangible, or even intangible, gains that in their sum could be said to constitute a victory.
The advent of General Pervez Musharraf as president of Pakistan followed from the fallout over Kargil, and raised hopes for peace owing to the urbane, forward-looking disposition that the former army general exhibited. It would all go up in smoke soon enough though, as the downing of the Twin Towers in 2001 (" 9/11") changed the dynamics of geopolitics in the region beyond reason or measure.
That means, for a certain generation of South Asians, the Gujral premiership still remains the greatest opportunity for peace and cooperation in the region, that was snuffed out all too cynically by the complexities of domestic politics in India's federal system, and all too prematurely. Posterity will accord his time as prime minister a belated importance though, along with his two stints as foreign minister. The recent steps taken towards normalisation of relations between the nations of South Asia, in particular India and Pakistan, owe much to the Gujral doctrine, a set of principles espoused by the man from Punjab for the conduct of India's relations with its neighbours. No wonder Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapakse has said Gujral was "ahead of his time."
Broadly stated, the five principles stipulate that with its neighbours in Saarc, India does not ask for reciprocity, but gives and accommodates what it can in good faith; no South Asian country should allow its territory to be used against the interest of another country of the region; no country should interfere in the internal affairs of another; all South Asian countries must respect each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty; South Asian states should settle all their disputes through peaceful bilateral negotiations.
The potential gains from adhering to such a prescription are only now being realised and talked about, under the ambit of regional cooperation, connectivity, etc. In an age of global connectivity, South Asian nations have even failed to reap the full benefits of regionalism. That too in a region that is notable for the huge potential market presented by a relatively homogeneous population of more than 2 billion people. The economic benefits alone should go far towards ameliorating any of the pitfalls, which would be mostly political.
Key to the doctrine is its recognition of India's rights as well as responsibilities that derive from its position as the regional behemoth. It can be easy, from such a position, to succumb to the temptation of acting the bully, throwing its weight around and trying to bend others to its will. But that will never be a policy that can help India take the position it seeks for itself in the comity of nations. India is forever enamoured by the sense of destiny that places it at the head table, and likes to think of itself as an almost inevitable superpower, matching the rise of China, even as the world quite rightly prepares itself to welcome what will most likely be a post-superpower century with the decline of American hegemony.
Whatever the merits of superpower theory, or their relevance in today's world, what is more or less assured is the truth underlying the belief that governed the formulation of the Gujral doctrine: that India's stature and strength cannot be divorced from the quality of its relations with the Saarc nations, its closest neighbours. Today, as its rising economic strength still fails to grant it the recognition and respect it seeks internationally (as demonstrated by the dithering over admitting it as a member of the UN Security Council), this is a realisation that is just starting to dawn upon Indian leaders at the Centre.
By placing the onus upon India itself, the Gujral doctrine in foreign policy called for a certain generosity of spirit, and a special sort of humility that is so hard-wired into the country's overall make-up that power fails to corrupt it. In fact, humility, grace, and a generosity of spirit are what I recall in the impression formed from my own personal interactions with Mr. Gujral as well. They stretch back to the New Delhi of the mid-eighties, when I was introduced to him by Bhabani Sengupta, a Bengali foreign policy analyst who later became a key figure in the Gujral administration, acting as his advisor. Even as prime minister, I can recall no perceptible change in his overall disposition, which was effortlessly urbane and decidedly learned. I was often struck by how he remained ready to impart any help that he could to an old acquaintance.
Even though Gujral's instincts may have been of the Left, the strengthening of economic ties between Bangladesh and India, especially the private sectors of both nations, was central to his governing philosophy. No wonder his death has been mourned so genuinely in Bangladesh apart from India, and even beyond, in Sri Lanka and Pakistan as well. Indeed, by everyone who hopes for a stronger, more united South Asia. With his passing, that is a dream that grows just a bit more distant.

The writer is Editor-in-Chief and Chief Executive, United News of Bangladesh and Editor, Dhaka Courier.