Turkey's human-rights hypocrisy
A new political order is emerging in the Middle East, and Turkey aspires to be its leader by taking a stand against authoritarian regimes. Earlier this week Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan went so far as to denounce the Syrian government's continuing massacres of civilians as "attempted genocide."
Turkey's desire to champion human rights in the region is a welcome development, but Erdogan's condemnation of Syria is remarkably hypocritical. As long as Turkey continues to deny crimes committed against non-Turks in the early 1900s, during the final years of the Ottoman Empire, its calls for freedom, justice and humanitarian values will ring false.
Turkey's attempt to cultivate an image as the global protector of Muslim rights is compromised by a legacy of ethnic cleansing and genocide against Christians and terror against Arabs and Kurds. Memories of these crimes are very much alive throughout former Ottoman territories. Syria and Lebanon both observe May 6 as Martyrs' Day in memory of the Arab nationalists who revolted against Ottoman rule and were publicly executed on that day in 1916. Turkey cannot serve as a democratic model until it acknowledges that brutal violence, population transfers and genocide underlie the modern Turkish state.
I have dedicated my scholarly career to documenting the late-Ottoman policy of Turkification between 1913 and 1918. Using documents from the Ottoman government archives in Istanbul, which were once classified as top secret, I have sought to pull back the veil on Turkey's century of denial. These documents clearly demonstrate that Ottoman demographic policy from 1913 to 1918 was genocidal. Indeed, the phrase "crimes against humanity" was coined as a legal term and first used on May 24, 1915, in response to the genocide against Armenians and other Christian civilians.
This is common knowledge, but what is not commonly known is that the expression was first drafted as "crimes against Christianity." Britain, France and Russia initially defined Ottoman atrocities as "crimes against Christianity," but later substituted "humanity" after considering the negative reaction that such a specific term could elicit from Muslims in their colonies.
Today, Erdogan is seeking to be a global spokesman for Muslim values. In June 2011 he told thousands gathered to celebrate the landslide victory of his Justice and Development Party, known as the A.K.P.: "Sarajevo won today as much as Istanbul, Beirut won as much as Izmir, Damascus won as much as Ankara. Ramallah, Nablus, Jenin, the West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza won as much as Diyarbakir."
Speaking in support of oppressed Muslims has earned him popularity. If Erdogan aspires to defend freedom and democracy in the region, however, he must also address the legitimate fears of Christians in the Middle East. As the European powers opted for universalism in 1915 by denouncing "crimes against humanity," Erdogan must move beyond his narrow focus on "crimes against Muslims." All oppressed peoples deserve protection.
It isn't a coincidence that many Christians and other minorities in Syria support Bashar al-Assad's Baath Party: They are willing to sacrifice freedom for security. While Turkish rhetoric appeals to the Sunni Muslim majority's demand for freedom in Syria, it does not relieve Syrian Christians' anxiety about their future. On the contrary, Syrian Christians listening to Erdogan and his denialist rhetoric are reminded of 1915, and that makes Turkey look very much like a security threat to them.
This is not a religious or ethnic issue, but a struggle between supporters of dictatorial regimes and those demanding democracy and human rights. Confronting the past is closely linked to security, stability and democracy in the Middle East. Persistent denial of historical injustices not only impedes democratisation but also hampers stable relations between different ethnic and religious groups.
This is particularly true in former Ottoman lands, where people view one another in the cloaks of their ancestors. In addition to the reverberations of the Armenian genocide, mass crimes against Kurds and Alevis in Turkey, violence against Kurds and Arabs in Iraq, and Christian-Muslim tensions in Syria and Lebanon continue to poison contemporary politics.
The popularity of the A.K.P. in Turkey and the Muslim world affords Erdogan an opportunity to usher in an era of tolerance. By acknowledging the genocide against Christians and crimes against other groups, the Turks can become leaders in the realm of human rights. Turkey's efforts to paint itself as a beacon of freedom and democracy will fail, however, so long as Turkey refuses to atone for Ottoman sins.
Moral purists and hard-nosed realists mistakenly believe that pursuing justice and national interests are mutually exclusive, but acknowledging historical wrongs is not a zero-sum game.
In the Middle East the past is the present. Truth and reconciliation are integral to establishing a new, stable regional order founded on respect for human rights and dignity. Turkey should lead by example.
The writer is author of The Young Turks' Crime Against Humanity: The Armenian Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire and an Associate Professor of history at Clark University in Worcester, Mass.
© New York Times. Distributed by the New York Times Syndicate.
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