Communist Party Congress fine-tunes governance in China

The world has watched with great care the holding of the latest session of the Chinese Communist Party Congress in Beijing. There has also been some speculation and analysis about the changes that might have been brought about within the paradigm of governance in China as a result of this Congress.
Mr Hu Jintao, State President of China is not known for televised addresses, interviews or statements that explain his policies or the manner in which the Chinese governance system works. However, Mr Hu's speech delivered in front of 2,200 delegates in Beijing during the week-long Congress drew everyone's attention.
Three elements surfaced during his statement -- China could become more democratic and less corrupt, there could be peace with Taiwan and there was no particular need for over-zealous and bold reform. His statement also underlined once again that he was willing to move forward despite being basically cautious by nature. Connotations however highlighted that it would be wrong to expect any radical change as normally associated with past paramount leader Deng Xiaoping.
One thing was important in his two-and-half-hour address. Mr Hu used the word democracy more than 60 times, almost as often as his predecessor Jiang had done in 2002. Nonetheless, the similarity ended there. This time round, there was a little bit more in terms of the expected matrix associated with democratic governance.
It is true that there were no concrete suggestions as to how China's largely ceremonial legislature could be strengthened, but Mr Hu did call for more democracy inside the Communist Party itself. In this regard, it was suggested that a system could be introduced whereby local party committees would vote on important issues and personnel appointments. Given the fact, that voting is still not considered to be an important aspect of decision making, such an initiative was indeed breaking of new ground.
This small step, analysts hope, will probably build up stem in the months to come. They have noted in this context that China is the only one of the world's 10 largest economies that is not a multiparty democracy.
Over the past three decades, the Chinese Communist Party has been trying to live up to the expectations of the ordinary citizens. This time, as in past congresses, the Chinese leadership reiterated the success of the party in having been able to deliver stability and economic growth. This was repeatedly stressed during the Congress so that there would not be any qualm about accepting its authoritarian rule or further changes in the regulatory mechanisms guiding daily lives for the citizens.
At the same time, there were also references to the fact that China is now a more complex nation where homeowners and entrepreneurs are jealous of their new prosperity and also want to be in closer touch with the rest of the world.
The Congress, surprisingly, also witnessed for the first time, comments from some of the party officials that the wealth gap was widening, that social services were crumbling in various parts of China, particularly in the rural areas and that environmental degradation had fueled public frustration, especially among the rural majority. There were also demands that such disparity could be overcome through greater accountability.
As expected, the Communist Party's Politburo, immediately adopted a more populist stance and assured the delegates to the Congress that the government would henceforth attach more emphasis to expanding education and healthcare programmes in the hinterland while still pushing for fast economic growth in the new urban hubs. This immediate response was an example of the use of soft power, but, at the same time, it was also made clear that no dissent would be tolerated regarding basic economic national strategies. This was consistent with the views of the senior Chinese leadership that it had its own priority in terms of objectives. It was also by denotation made clear that it was still in charge for ratifying the platform of policies for the coming five years (necessary for more-balanced economic growth) and for all cautious institutional overhauls.
Mr Hu has been given another term. It is being anticipated that during this term, there will not only be more openness, but that, he will also be slightly more innovative in terms of pattern of governance. Analysts are now hoping that the next few years will see a more robust change in the way that laws are made in China.
It may be noted here that during the past five years of Mr Hu, there has been a slight transformation. Previously, almost every new law was adopted in secret and presented as a fait accompli. Now, many are being published in draft form, and some are also being revised after public pressure draws attention to certain unacceptable provisions. The classical example in this regard was the Employment Promotion Law. It is being hoped that after this Congress such a positive trend will gain greater momentum.
In China, the socialist ideology has collapsed after its confrontation with market forces. Nevertheless, the Chinese Communist Party has found ways and means to stay relevant by expanding membership to include businesspeople. Today the party has some 73 million members, roughly one in 18 Chinese.
China has changed remarkably over the years. Thirteen members of the Politburo convened the first National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 1921 in Shanghai. The policies relating to governance remained almost the same till the death of Chairman Mao Zedong in 1976. This system of secretive centralised rule has not changed very much even today. However, as exemplified during this latest Congress, principles of collectivism and isolation have started to recede. The Politburo still makes all the big political and economic decisions, from appointing provincial officials to setting exchange rate policy, but regional officials are now also gaining some autonomy. This is being done as Politburo members for the first time are recognising that their power hinges on public support.
The other interesting feature of this Congress was the permitting of open analysis in the media. Liberal Chinese scholars took advantage of this situation to urge substantive changes, such as expanded elections for local government posts. It is true that such ideas gained little traction, reflecting the leadership's deep-rooted fears of unleashing unrest. However, the fact that this was permitted was positive from any point of view, and a sign of progression compared to the brutal crackdown that took place in Tiananmen Square in 1989. This change in attitude was also consistent with Mr Hu's earlier comments in June when he had pointed out that the party 'will continue to expand citizens' orderly participation in politics.'
There has been another interesting development in China. There was anxiety that this Party Congress might actually restrict the expanding access to information through the internet. This has not happened. In fact, the government invited public suggestions with regard to official policy through web sites. This, in a manner of speaking, was re-affirmation of the views earlier expressed in March 2007 by Premier Wen Jiabao.
This also assumes greater importance given the fact that both polling (for ascertaining public opinion) and accessing to information in such a manner were politically unacceptable in China only a few years ago. In the tightly controlled process of Chinese politics, it is now acting as a form of safety valve. It is also assisting in the growth of entrepreneurship. It may be noted in this regard that China, because of its more flexible attitude, has been able to spur individual wealth. 'The Business Times' of Singapore has consequently noted on 19 October that China today has 345,000 millionaires in US dollar terms. What an interesting blend of capitalism, growth and communism!
Another interesting feature was reference to Taiwan. The Congress and the Chinese leadership appeared to be more flexible and relaxed in this regard, particularly after successfully thwarting Taiwan's latest bid to be a member of the United Nations. This probably led Mr Hu to strike a relatively conciliatory note on the island, which China regards as its own. He repeated an offer for a peace agreement with Taiwan, if it accepts the 'idea of one China', but did not significantly reiterate Mr Jiang's warning that 'the Taiwan question must not be allowed to drag on indefinitely.'
The Congress, as expected, also saw the emergence of new Chinese personalities ready for intense jockeying for power over the next five years. This included Xi Jinping, the party chief of Shanghai and his counterpart Li Keqiang from Liaoning province. Sinologists will now carefully follow their stars and analyse and monitor their utterances. However, for the time being, Chinese domestic political agenda will continue to be dominated by the views of Mr Hu.
One also hopes that the re-elected Chinese President will also be able to find the necessary answers to the different issues that are dominating the international political and economic arena -- fight against terrorism, Iraq, Afghanistan, Iran, energy, environment and climate variability and the intricacies of international trade. This will be particularly required given the political uncertainties that will dominate the USA and Russia in the coming year.
Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador who can be reached at [email protected]