True to his personal allegiance to Ziaur Rahman, Col. (retd) Oli Ahmed continued as a silent spectator of the fast changes that took place in the administrative and political frame-work of the country. There was absolutely no evidence to corroborate that he openly agreed or disagreed with those changes. More interestingly he was totally unconcerned when the Jamaat-e-Islam chief of the time was granted Bangladeshi citizenship by the High Court without any intervention or appeal from the government. And not even when Shah Azizur Rahman, a diehard protagonist of one Pakistan was inducted in the cabinet of Ziaur Rahman as the Prime Minister. Perhaps he preferred remaining mum to avoid ideological clash with his principal benefactor.

Meantime, he had his political identity noticeably established. For being in the closer circle enjoying full confidence of the main leader and chairman of the new political party in late 1977 he was automatically inducted in the highest body. The same position granted him an edge in the cabinet as the Communication Minister. Subsequent to the assassination of Ziaur Rahman in May 1981 that edge was being quietly blunted by a group of new leaders belonging to his own area, Chittagong mostly. By the time he could realise that he was being eclipsed it was too late. Things went out of his control and eventually he found himself totally out of the power base. He had the stingy pinch prior to the general election in 2001. The party high command was already divided on the issue of nomination in case of at least one constituency of Chittagong. Col (retd.) Oli Ahmed was sure that he would get BNP nomination from there for that being his own stronghold for long. He was disappointed. It was awarded to a Jamaat-e-Islami candidate instead. That must have given him the shock of his life having lost the bid to one belonging to Jamaat-e-Islami. This was the first and formal instance of leg-pulling that the valiant freedom fighter encountered.

Yet, for quite some time he was practically tight-lipped. That perhaps was taken for a weakness by his adversaries within the party. Things changed so very rapidly that he could no longer command patience and self-restraint. He thought the party image was being vitiated by corrupt practices patronised by some senior members. The concurrent role of some of the younger ones terribly shocked him. Besides, the anti-liberation elements in the so-called 4-party alliance joined hands to make his life all the more miserable even though he was on the highest body of his party. He made a number of personal entreaties with the chairperson believably to remove the corrupt leaders to salvage the party image. She is yet to act on Col. (retd) Oli Ahmed's honest counsel. It was reported in the newspapers (Aug. 30) that the Prime Minister desired to square up the disagreement after she talked to Oli Ahmed personally. The heat generated on the issue of his expulsion from the party appears now to have cooled down. None knows if such silence is a prelude to a sudden tempest in the coming days. It all depends on Col. (retd) Oli Ahmed whether or not to accede to any compromise proposal from the other end swallowing the bitter pills he has already in his month.

It is yet to be known if Col. (retd) Oli Ahmed shall retract from his war against the "plunderers, corrupts and terrorists." Or shall he withdraw from his own statement to the press about some people "who had amassed huge amount of money over the past few years, about those who were seen peddling in the street the other day and now have their luxurious homes at Gulshan, Banani areas". What about his demand that the Prime Minister would have to take action against these elements?

Face to face with the news media on August 29, upon his return from Saudi Arabia he re-affirmed that whatever news were attributed to him were correct. He had no objection if he was expelled from the party for his waging war against the corrupt elements, for talking about the miserable plight of the common people due to rising prices. In any case, as of now, a strange but very significant lull is persisting in respect of Oli's possible expulsion.

Let us take now a quick look at the issue of reform proposals of the 14-party alliance. Early this month BNP secretary general Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan maintained that notwithstanding the statements of the BNP leaders in public meetings rejecting the opposition reform proposals there was still time to discuss them and to arrive at a settlement. Very casually he remarked that in public meeting the speakers can say anything but to hold dialogue on such issue the statements in public meeting would have no consequence. It was indeed a very clear and unambiguous admission of a 'double standard' that he had alluded to coincidentally; on the same day (Sept 6) the Prime Minister was addressing public meeting at Jhenidah repeating rejection of the reform proposals of the opposition. Of late, however, the PM has expressed her optimism for a dialogue between the secretary-general of BNP and AL.

The US Ambassador was talking to the business leaders, among others, on the prospect of a free and fair election in January 2007. She exhorted the FBCCI President Mir Nasir Hossain and others to do all they can for a dialogue between the government and the opposition on the issue of reform and to secure a settlement before it is too late. The ordinary citizens of the country are sure to welcome a meaningful dialogue in tune with the majority demand. That is ask the CEC and ECs to vacate and remove KM Hasan, a former BNP partyman, from the line of succession. Let someone else, selected by mutual consent, take over as the next head of the caretaker government. Give the people peace and they will give you immense prosperity.

Kazi Alauddin Ahmed is a management consultant.