A compilation of talks given by Chomsky between 1989-1999 covering politics to economics to social harmony and belief systems has been discussed in this book. He moves from topic to topic by answering questions thrown across him by an audience; Chomsky responds to these questions by offering his world view; at times, he would expound more on the issue itself or move the conversation along the rational position he intends to take.

In this compilation, first published in UK in 2003, Chomsky attempts to address many of the contentious issues of global politics, war on terrorism, the truths, the half truths and fabrications of the world that we live in. In this book, he holds critical views on US policy and policies purported by many other countries that exercise power and, at times, absolute power under the guise of diplomacy, democracy, monarchy and other kinds of statecraft. The book has ten equally intriguing chapters; it opens with hard hitting accusations that both 'Kennedy and Reagan' came to power on 'fraudulent denunciations of their predecessors.' He went on to offering his critical appraisal of their coming to power through a false sense of hyping the public into feeling insecure in a world full of foreign spies, terrorists and by invoking jingoistic and military hysteria. In the sections on achievement of domestic dissidence, US network of terrorist mercenary states and overthrowing states, he point-by-point exposed the unlawful and clandestine operations supporting the secret arms sale to Contra-rebels in Central America, covert fundings through rogue states, trainings for terrorist forces in Nicaragua, and defoliating South Vietnam with Napalm bombs.

He mentions that to take the media propaganda to a heightened state of make belief, President Reagan even opened an office of Public Diplomacy and under its veils global atrocities and killings were carried out solely for promotion of certain indoctrinations. Chomsky had mentioned half way into his book that the 'world does not reward honesty and independence, it rewards obedience and service.' The US power, being so supreme during the hegemonic years between 60s and 80s, exercised absolute control of all social and political freedoms, in spite of its own so-called unwavering commitment to freedom, tolerance, pluralism and suffrage. He also threw challenges to the US media, exposing its very narrow and elitist mentality in its coverage of news, views and stories.

Chomsky has made many references in his book about the institution called the government. During a lecture series mentioned in the book, he was asked whether he voted on certain candidate or the party; he had mentioned that the theoretical construct on which the entire system of democracy and voting is based on is nothing but a sham and that the system is controlled by the hegemonic powers of big business; therefore, the very precept of democracy that we find is faulty. In chapter six, he says, 'I'm white, I'm privileged, that means I'm basically immune from punishment by power.' He talks of 'peeling away the blinders,' allowing us to form a real picture of power and who holds the reigns of power. He talks about intellectual charlatans of today with a bitter and acrimonious tone. He then confronts the global views that Adam Smith's founding premise that division of labour was the ultimate goals for the wealth of a nation to grow. Chomsky interpreted that Adam Smith was of the opinion that division of labour was a 'terrible thought,' that would surely stir up the entire school of scholarly thought at the University of Chicago where the likes of George Stigler toil.

In chapter five, he talks about the economic system working for the 'masters,' meaning the elites and business interests, whereas he envisions a system working for the mass. He emphasised on the destructive forces of corporate capitalism and opined that it (Capitalism) is essentially gnawing away at the essence of real democracy where freedom of mind, self, speech and organisation is being dismantled through media propaganda and control of overt and covert measures. He lends his imagination run with visions of 'alternative popular institutions' having idealistic fervor and 'participatory economic' spirit. He also advanced notions that Gulf War was not really about cashing onto the oil reserve of Kuwait or ousting Saddam Hussein, but it was more to drive through an agenda that whatever happens in the Middle East is the exclusive domain of intervention by the USA.

He raises the issue of Soviet Union not failing because of its socialist regime, but its totalitarianism that was brought in when Bolsheviks took power. He points fingers to the media for fabrication and propaganda triumph by 'prolonged effort to discredit the very idea of socialism by associating it with Soviet totalitarianism.' He then theorises that successful Soviet development in the 1960s was actually threatening to break the 'American world system,' and opening new possibilities for other states to emulate, ultimately undermining the institution of Capitalism on which USA stands high and mighty. Sensing these unwanted possibilities, Chomsky proposes that, the US, backed by subservient and sterile US media, concocted stories of horrific proportions, making the Soviet look like a bestial and ruthless state where espionage and political freedom were vehemently crushed and dissidents tortured, killed or ostracised from the state. While depicting these monstrosities, they were carefully converting the minds of the populace to support the declaration of war on Soviets and Soviet style socialism, while glorifying US capitalism, its freedom and democracy.

In chapter eight, he talks about the issues of favored states and enemy states defined in terms of their allegiance to the US business interests. He said East Timor was originally dominated by US military support fuelled through Indonesian military junta that ran regimes of terror to quell all kinds of independence movements in East Timor. Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 'with explicit authorisation of Gerald Ford and Henry Kissinger' and the British, Australians and Americans all had prior knowledge of the invasion plan. Chomsky draws our attention to the fact that East Timor historically was part of the Portuguese Empire and during the 70s (during their collapse of the empire) there was a growing concern that East Timor may move towards communism; therefore, it received decent press coverage in the US. However, during the subsequent years that unfolded, the media and the intelligentsia played dumb to the carnage that went on. More interestingly, Chomsky alludes to the fact that great offshore oil reserves close to East Timor was found by the Australians and the Western oil companies who after unsuccessfully trying to make a deal with the Portuguese decided to work through the Indonesians and, therefore, the business lobby kept everything tightlipped.

In subsequent chapters he brings ideas of welfare state and the anarchist's vision of dismantling state power stating 'personally I share that vision,' but then proceeds onto saying that his immediate goals are to strengthen some state authority that are under attack now. He says the anarchist's role should be to 'pry open' some meaningful public participation, defend some state institutions and ultimately allow for more free society to evolve. He talks about the concept of 'devolution,' meaning taking power away from the federal government and putting it in the hands of the state government. He noted that on a non-critical appraisal it is more democratic and participatory, but from viewing it from a more abstract perspective, this devolution actually takes power closer to private power and how it can be exercised to gain better tax breaks by even mid-sized corporations or threaten jobs re-location, making it anti-democratic. He also discusses that structures need to be developed to attain equality then these concepts of devolution can be fitted into society.

On the issue of legal system and law, he concludes that laws are also made to support 'big powers play' and that it is completely outside of 'popular control.' In the section of discovering morality in chapter nine, Chomsky talks of 'funny morality' and cites the example of not allowing cock fights on the grounds that they tear each other to pieces while allowing the barbaric sport of boxing, inflicting equally debilitating blows. He talks about value system being in conflict and that there is no single 'axiom' like system.

'Turning point' was the last chapter of the book based on a discussion between 1994 and 1999 across various prosperous eastern states of the United States with the exception of Illinois. This entire chapter talked about issues of family and capitalism hurting family life, children's I.Q level falling and the rationale presented by the media and the counter by Chomsky. He took a blow at the media by saying that deep irrationality is being stirred up amongst demagogues and media personalities.

The book not only offers perspectives of the past and present world, it paints a picture of power lobby that continues to dominate global socio-politico and economic affairs, while keeping a great propaganda machine running to subliminally and, even directly, mould the views of the population. Chomsky categorically states that we live in a rhetorical world where the ropes of power are controlled by a select class of elites. The book covers a mind-boggling array of issues with substantive statistics to back his doctrines. On many occasions, he offers cynical, yet logical views of the world and, alludes to 'conspiracy theories' that he does not reject in totality Understanding Power opens new angles for intellectual discourse in many fields and challenges the notions held by the majority, making it a serious book to read for the stimulating mind.

Ziaur Rahman is CEO International Institute of Technology & Management and Managing Director, Beekree.biz.