Seize opportunity to put national train back on track
FOR over a year the people of Bangladesh have been held to ransom through relentless political violence centring on the type of election-time government and the trial of indicted war criminals. Most Bangladeshis had hoped that the two warring camps would reach a last-minute compromise that would result in a fair and inclusive parliamentary election. However, that collective hope never materialised.
The recently concluded election may have constitutional legality but its acceptability and credibility remain questionable as most registered political parties stayed away, the electors in 153 out of 300 constituencies were denied the constitutional right to vote, and the contrived loyal opposition is a joke at the people's expense. To avoid further disruption to daily life and economy it would be advisable if the AL, instead of viewing the hollow victory as a mandate to rule unhindered till the end of January 2019, chose in the national interest to use whatever time is available before the next election to work with all pro-Bangladesh parties to bring an end to fundamentalist militancy and resolve outstanding governance and political issues that affect peace and development.
The temporary respite from relentless violence and disruption to daily life since the January 5 parliamentary election has delivered welcome relief to the long suffering populace and provided both the major political camps some time to reflect on their future course of action. The government should not be lulled into complacency as the two issues, namely the trial of war criminals and an acceptable election-time government, that ignited the country before the election still continue to simmer. In the 2008 election the AL received a clear mandate for instituting the International War Crimes Tribunals for trying those who committed crimes against humanity during the Liberation War in 1971; the incumbent government still retains overwhelming support on the issue and has an obligation to expeditiously bring the proceedings to a successful conclusion.
Seizing power or retaining it by any means has been the main reason behind most pre-election violence since the return to democracy in 1991 as there are huge rewards for the victor and dire consequences for the losing side. It would have been nice if the AL had heeded the court's observations and retained the CTG system for the next two elections, but besides the court ruling it illegal the system is also inherently biased against any incumbent government and favours the opposition. That is the reason why both major parties champion it when in opposition and try to override it when in government.
It is not the government but the Election Commission (EC) that is constitutionally mandated to conduct election, so the solution is in making the EC totally independent and powerful and to provide it with all administrative and operational support needed to conduct a fair and inclusive election. But keeping Bangladesh's history in mind, and to avoid the violence and political instability that precedes parliamentary elections, it may be necessary to also institute a system of elected interim government that is acceptable to all.
It will be a shining example of statesmanship if the incumbent government convenes a national meeting to reach consensus on a system of fair and inclusive election, and in deference to majority public opinion goes back to the polls as soon as practicable. However, such elections held every five years, no matter how peaceful, will be meaningless if democracy is not practiced in the intervening period. For achieving good governance the government itself can take the necessary measures to overhaul the administrative, security and judicial systems to make them more responsive to the people, and provide independence and teeth to the watchdog organisations such as the ACC and HRC. However, a democracy that delivers can't be achieved without tackling the very problems that undermine it.
After 42 years of independence the poorer segment of the population (30%) still remain the most disadvantaged. Ethnic and religious minority communities have been reduced to the status of second-class citizens. Politics and parliament have been hijacked by businessmen. The parliament and local governments are non-functional. Instead of grooming future leaders the major political parties have relied on their student and youth fronts for muscle power and in return allowed them free reign to engage in corrupt and criminal activities for personal gain. These shortcomings arise from pervasive corruption and greed that has eaten into the moral fabric of our society as a direct consequence of the loss of our ideological bearings. So the base line for any comprehensive solution should be the true restoration of the 1972 constitution and renewing and strengthening the four pillars of our nationhood that are enshrined therein.
The government and the opposition will earn the gratitude of the people , if for once they set aside their partisan differences and use this opportunity to sit around the table with all other pro-Bangladeshi political parties and representatives of all segments of society to find an acceptable election formula that is immune to regime change; and to discuss, debate and find common ground for solving the above problems to ensure the democratic, social and economic rights guaranteed in the 1972 Constitution.
The writer is TWAS Research Professor in the Centre for Advanced Research in Sciences (CARS) at Dhaka University.
Comments