The PPP and PML (N) have meekly followed what was dictated by the army on America, India and Afghanistan, and followed WTO-favoured economic policies. Only, there is no genuine opposition party that necessarily has to be a left-of-centre party; it is badly needed.

The present situation is defined by four factors:

• The judicial crisis over CJP's refusal to quietly resign has overshadowed all the major crises that radically divide the body politic; let no one forget the major faultlines in the polity, and all must remain focused on their resolution.
• Elections have been promised for later this year. Two further questions arise: would they be truly free and fair, undoctored by the administration? The record hitherto is not promising. Secondly would "they" not impose a state of emergency, or even Martial Law; after Karachi, the drift of events is dangerous.

Little is new about the major crises dividing the polity. The first being Islam-versus-modern democracy, the second being ethnic demands of the minority provinces, and the third being the social, political and economic condition of the people that demands effective remedial action that only a genuinely democratic dispensation can provide.

Therefore, the need is to rationalize the present movements and evolve a comprehensive program to resolve contentious issues through creating popular consensus and strong democratic action -- and subordinate the special interest groups.

Wherefrom the new party is to come? It has to be the party of the common man. Today, the cost of doing politics is astronomically high. Holding one big rally now requires crores of Rupees. Though it must be said that the movement that the legal fraternity has launched is more or less self-financing, and has not required moneybags to foot the bill. All popular movements do become self-financing, provided the common man's sentiments are aroused and channelized.

The second requirement of a new party is leadership. By leadership most people erroneously think of a charismatic and versatile personality. Up to a point, in an underdeveloped country, the need for some versatility and charisma cannot be denied. But emphasis must remain on uniting around a specific program of action that should be credible to the people as much as to experts.

The legal fraternity has done its job extremely well; it has organized and successfully led a movement that has fired people's imagination, creating a desire for effective action to change the present dispensation. The present dispensation sports a government that obeys the military, which favours feudals, industrialists, rich traders, bankers and rich professionals.

Let no one forget that the regime feeds the feudals with high procurement prices, distorting prices to international levels without forcing them to pay their Haris and Muzaaras international wages. It has made the rich richer and the poor poorer, while the fundamental rights of the people are dependent on the pleasure of one man: the General-President.

As and when the president feels like, he punishes the media and imposes restrictions he thinks proper, i.e. fundamental rights are not guaranteed and enforceable in the presence of discretionary powers of the administration and the president. Behind these stands the military junta. All that needs changing, which requires an effective opposition party to lead mass movements to achieve popular aspirations for a better, more dignified and prosperous life.

Facts need to be kept in focus. The primary one is that the military is in command. The forthcoming elections will be held under a regime that will be either the present government, or a socalled caretaker government to be nominated by the president. The president's nominees, well, would be not much different from today's ministers.

If the elections in 2002 can be called free and fair, then the 2007 elections under the present dispensation would also be free and fair -- in that sense. The point is, the military has been in power since the 1950s. It is time that it is shown the door out of the political arena. It has to be kept confined to its barracks and subordinated to a democratic government. That is the immediate task.

The longer-term tasks should be detailed in the program mentioned here. The foundation is now being provided by the legal fraternity working for the rule of law, supremacy of the Constitution, and other laws over individuals and special interest groups. That is a purely political aim, and it is praiseworthy for that.

Politics is not a dirty thing. Its business is to transform the society that keeps over half the population in pitiable condition into a better, more prosperous, and more civilized stage characterized by tolerance of dissent and acceptance of pluralism.

The question of leadership recurs. In Pakistan, a non-rich man can scarcely mobilize the people around a good workable plan of action. The need for versatility and charisma remains, though. Still, all should ensure that a charismatic leader does not get a licence to act whimsically. He or she has to remain wedded to the program that the people have approved.

Such leaders are thrown up by popular movements in which common people willingly struggle against perceived evils. In this, the quest must focus on the leaders who are fighting for the CJP -- do I hear you mention Aitezaz Ahsan on whom I am ready to put ten Rupees. But new leaders have lead the movement toward the realisation of democratic ideals without stopping at formal democracy, the first stage. They have to add economic equity, good governance (people's participation) and cultural enrichment as aims.

Their current insistence that the lawyers' movement is entirely non-political can be a matter of tactics, or they may think politics is dirty while the legal profession is noble. They should not remain in an ivory tower, however. To establish rule of law, supremacy of the Constitution and the laws -- the laws have to be proper laws, not simply ordinances issued by military dictators.

Law requires certain requisites that the legal profession understands. They have to be made democratically, and cannot go against the spirit and purposes of democracy. Struggle for the rule of law is also a struggle for laying the foundations of democracy. Others things have to be added to it, particularly what a more democratic dispensation has to do.

What a democratic dispensation should do in Pakistan's conditions is not hard to figure out. It has to tackle problems of people's majority, urban and rural. The problems of the two are not identical, though they are linked. Common people have to be taken to a more prosperous level in which they can enrich themselves culturally also.

It may be a distant dream today, finding workers and peasants enjoying literature, music or dancing or other visual arts. But these are desirable things that should happen after the people have become healthy, educated and mostly employed.

That would require planned economic development for providing jobs to most people, or self-employment opportunities to others, in both cities and villages. If some people cannot be provided jobs, they should be legally entitled to basic Social Security. That will prevent hunger and disease.

Education and healthcare are a necessary part of what the state has to provide. That is democracy now. A program of that nature, along with leaders that are in tune with this, can be the builder of a better tomorrow.

MB Naqvi is a leading Pakistani columnist.