There cannot be halfway measures. I have written about this before and I reiterate once again that people who misuse religion to terrorise others are best confined in detention. Allah alone has the right to judge and punish, but in the meantime, we need to abide by temporal laws and constitutional obligations that are applicable for every citizen of the State. We cannot take up justice in our own hands. Nor can we judge and punish someone except in conformity with the existing laws of the land and due judicial process. It is incumbent on all of us to avoid abetting, in any manner, any form of religious extremism or to claim that one faith should be preferable to another.

Freedom of thought and right to practice one's religion are important elements in the body fabric of fundamental freedoms. We need not agree with a person's view of life. He also has the right to disagree, and one should accept it, as long as his actions do not disturb public peace or restrain the freedom of movement or speech of another.

We have to understand something very clearly. The people of this country fought a war of liberation and millions sacrificed themselves for the sake of religious tolerance, secularism and freedom. We overcame prejudice and state sponsored terrorism so that we could emerge as an enlightened and independent nation.

Today, most unfortunately, with the re-emergence of religion based politics, we are again faced with the sordid cancer of religious fanaticism. The last BNP-led alliance government contributed to this deterioration in the social body politic through their continuous state of denial about this evolving phenomenon. The print media, since the execution, have highlighted more than once how senior leaders of the BNP and of their partner Jamaat-e-Islami refused the existence of this scourge and continued to cast aspersions on the media for creating a monster from their imagination.

It is now being revealed that country to the claims of the previous political leadership, some among them had exercised their influence directly and indirectly to suppress all investigations and inquiry initiated against the JMB and other Islamic extremist groups. This included downgrading efforts by law enforcement officials aimed at apprehending extremist culprits and finding out more about JMB's weapons caches. Such interventions permitted this major issue to grow steadily into a hydra-headed monster. Compulsions within the BNP alliance ensured that there was no strategic success with regard to containment of the militancy.

Bombings, grenade attacks and vigilante justice in the meantime resulted in the death of opposition activists and political leaders. These casualties were however glibly explained away by the then government as results of internal bickering within the opposition fold. Superficial inquiries were started and never properly followed up. Some suspects were picked up, but there was no transparency in the subsequent judicial process. The opposition tried to discuss these criminal acts in the Jatiya Sangshad but was unable to do so because of open partisanship. Fairness and equity were booted out of that august house.

Bangladesh and its image continued to suffer. Narrow political ends received priority over national interests. We slowly acquired the reputation of being a hub for terrorists and Islamic fundamentalists who had links with international Al-Qaeda operatives. The BNP-alliance government's response was predictable. They denied all charges with vigour and appointed lobbyists at great expense of the State to put a spin on the deteriorating scenario.

Such an ostrich syndrome reflex however came to an end with the concerted explosions by the JMB in 63 of the country's 64 districts on 17 August 2005. The killing of the Judges on 14 November 2005 followed this criminal act. Despite efforts to the contrary, the BNP-alliance government found itself under the international spotlight. The gravity of the situation was finally acknowledged and the government of the day was forced to show some decisiveness in the tracking down of the notorious JMB elements that had earlier been described as 'phantoms.'

We have now had the execution of the known JMB leadership. However, this is obviously not enough. We understand that during remand and inquiry, these extremists revealed aspects of their militant organisation. We hope that the authorities were able to, during these interrogations, access to information regarding the organogram, the mode of financing, the contacts of this militant organisation within the country as well as abroad and also the nature of their decision-making and recruitment processes.

Now is the time to re-evaluate every aspect of their activities and to arrived at conclusions as to not only what makes JMB tick but also why and how it could recruit and motivate its sympathizers. This is important if we have to tackle this insidious growth effectively.

Media reports based on intelligence sources have indicated that only about 700 of JMB's active membership have been identified and detained. It has also emerged that 25 district commanders of the JMB out of 64 have till date managed to evade arrest. Leaflets ascribed to the JMB have also claimed that they have suicide squads who might be used to assault top political leaders, teachers, intellectuals, business leaders and social workers (who are criticised for promoting gender empowerment through micro-credit). There have also been hints that the JMB might try to attack key national infrastructural installations and commit other subversive acts.

I do not know how much of these claims are true. However, one thing is clear. This outfit and a few other extremist terrorist groups are working against our national security and need to be neutralized without further delay. If necessary, we should have no hesitation to share and seek information about them from other intelligence agencies in the region and also from the Interpol, FBI and Scotland Yard.

No containment of such deviationist terrorist behaviour will however be satisfactorily possible without addressing root causes. The two most significant amongst them, in my opinion, are poverty (lack of economic opportunities) and the method and manner in which religious education is being imparted in some Madrassas. Both these factors are working against the spirit of inclusiveness and assimilation within the broader network.

We need to open windows of partnership between the secular and the religious formats of education. This may be in the form of technical educations, greater exposure to scientific subjects and the availability of vocational training in these Madrassas. Students belonging to such educational institutions must be made to feel less confined. They, and their guardians, should also be able to see that they have alternatives and economic opportunities. Only then, will they realise, that they can function, not in isolation, but as part of a vibrant evolving society without having to give up their conservative principles.

Arranging such a happy blend should be given utmost priority by our ministry of education and its varied agencies, particularly in the rural hinterland of Bangladesh. There is no other way to beat extremism and fundamentalism. We need to let the sunlight of understanding come in so that the darkness of mistrust can be effaced. We have to be sensitive and patient in this regard.

An enabling environment has to be created where militants realise that the way forward is through economic development rather than extra-constitutional means. This will also require State institutions to be friends rather than adversaries.

Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador who can be reached at mzamir@dhaka.net.