Housecleaning of corrupt elements from the body politic is not the same as sustainable institutional reform. Such reform has to emerge out of a democratically mandated political process and will need to be carried through and politically defended by a political party or parties.

In the absence of a revolution within the major political parties, an alternative political force will be needed to institutionalize political reform. Is it possible for such a third force to emerge in Bangladesh?

The historical record does not hold out much promise. Sundry attempts to build such a force have come to grief because none of the attempts could find leaders and workers with the message, charisma, stamina, and financial resources, to challenge the deeply embedded hold of the established political parties, at that time, over the electorate.

What would be needed for such an alternative political force to emerge? Let me itemize some of the preconditions needed for an alternative political force to emerge:

1 A clearly defined agenda which can capture the imagination of a broad segment of the voting population and generate confidence that the party is sincere in implementing this agenda.

2 A charismatic leader, who enjoys immediate name recognition throughout the country.

3 The leader must be surrounded by associates of established integrity and competence who have not been compromised by charges of corruption and criminality.

4 A party organization, led by a general secretary, who has proven organizational skills and an understanding of the workings of the political process at the local level.

5 All those identified in (2-4) above must commit themselves to work full time (this means 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, 365 days of the year) in building such a party. Party building, particularly of a new party, is not a task for part-timers.

6 Adequate financial backing, transparently obtained, not just from more credible financers of means but from small donations from ordinary citizens.

7 Such a party must target the following constituencies:

(i) Political figures in the major political parties who are uncorrupted and who are still committed to serving the country rather than themselves. There are many such figures, including senior figures and MPs in the major parties, who are deeply disillusioned at the state of their parties. However, those with established political loyalties, particularly to long established political parties, would only consider supporting another party if they were assured that such a party was there to stay and means what it says.

(ii) In every constituency there are respected people -- lawyers, doctors, teachers, retired officials, small businessman, and young people including students -- who are deeply concerned about the degeneration in our political life and the rampant corruption, which has made life insecure for ordinary people. Many of these concerned citizens hunger for leaders and a party who can mobilize their patriotism and passion to build a decent society.

8 There are large number of social and economic groups who constitute the productive core of Bangladesh. Their efforts have largely contributed to the 6% growth rate we now enjoy and who go about their work not because of but in spite of the role of the government. These groups have been denied adequate official recognition or political support and reckon that in a better governed state their efforts could serve to double our growth rates. These groups include:

i. The readymade garment exporters, which includes not just the entrepreneurs, but their hard-working workers who are the source of value addition in this sector.

ii. The productive elements in the business community who have made new investment or expanded their earlier investments without becoming loan defaulters or tax evaders.

iii. The large numbers of small-scale industrialists dispersed across the country from Dolai Khal to every upazilla headquarter, producing a variety of products for meeting local consumption needs, who are denied protection, official support or institutional financing.

iv. The small farmers who have tripled Bangladesh's food production since Liberation, in spite of policy neglect, rising prices for their inputs, shortages of power, and diesel and fertilizer scams.

v. Bangladesh's fast growing professional class whose skills tend to be unrecognized and remain underutilized.

vi. Civil society organizations active in the defense of human rights and/or advocating good governance.

vii. The NGO community who have played a major role in alleviating poverty in Bangladesh and whose large constituency of workers are distributed across Bangladesh.

viii. The large constituency of women who receive micro-credit and other resources which have enabled them to earn their own livelihood and who look to a regime committed to their empowerment.

ix. The millions of hard-working yet resourceless people who live insecure lives on the margins of poverty, who look towards a day when they can vote a party to power which will put them at the centre of their political concerns.

The above mentioned constituencies, which could be supplemented, constitute a large and important segment of the voting population of Bangladesh. They have been overlooked in the calculations of the major political parties except when they are forced to agitate around specific issues such as Kansat. They are, individually, and as communities, looking for a leadership which recognizes their contribution, is willing to support rather than terrorize or extract resource from them, and, above all, who can be relied upon to keep their word.

Rehman Sobhan is Chairman, Centre for Policy Dialogue. To read the full version of this article please ask your hawker for a copy of this month's Forum.