Indo-Pakistan ties are at the moment stuck, once again, in the "blame game," and this is thwarting the development of relations that was witnessed till the Mumbai carnage. True, the two sides did exchange accusations with each other during the last three years, on a variety of issues. But these were the typical, occasional, swipes at each other. After all, the process of rapprochement is continuing without resolution of their main problems, hence neither side can do away with its principal complaints. Nevertheless, what is remarkable is that promotion of bilateral relationship continues, keeping the main bone of contention, Kashmir, on the backburner, with the pledge (from both sides) to address them with a view to reaching an acceptable settlement. Such solutions of the complex problems obviously cannot come so easily, but this did not prevent cooperation at various levels, marked by increasing interactions, and rapport building exercises. Their rapprochement efforts not only helped improve bilateral ties, but also cast a sobering effect on the overall political climate in the South Asian region. Needless to say, a healthy regional environment is largely contingent upon the congenial relationship between the two key players in the region -- India and Pakistan.

Whenever Saarc's activities were adversely affected, it was mostly because of worsening Indo-Pakistan ties. Likewise, improvement in the Saarc ambience has also been mainly due to their friendly attitude. The present, relatively action-oriented, program of Saarc is certainly an off-shoot of the reasonably good relations between New Delhi and Islamabad. Their mutual trust is important in the regional perspective. As such, other countries in the area, too, have an interest in improved Indo-Pakistan ties, and in a way this is the key to collective endeavours for social and economic development in South Asia. Indeed, it augured well when former Indian prime minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, initiated efforts to improve ties with Pakistan during his bilateral talks with President General Pervez Musharraf on the sidelines of the Saarc summit in Islamabad. The delayed summit itself was a victim of Indo-Pakistan enmity, and was made possible only when their relations bettered to the extent of facilitating the staging of the event. The positive phase followed a long acrimonious chapter when their ties had reached a point when they were on the brink of a full blown war. A million troops from the two countries remained deployed along the frontier, but fortunately the situation eventually did not explode into hostilities mainly because of pleas by the international community, and saner anti-war sections in both the countries.

A summit between Vajpayee and Musharraf in Agra had also failed, and all this brought bilateral ties to almost non-functioning level. The Vajpayee-Musharraf talks in Islamabad marked the end of that belligerent phase, and happily both sides responded to the calls for normalization. The new United Progressive Alliance(UPA) government in India led by the Congress followed up the pattern, and in a way gave further impetus to the trend. Contacts increased to include many programs that directly involved and benefited the people. A bus service along the Line of Control (LOC) in the disputed Kashmir region has been a remarkable development, while train and road links also brought the people closer. Cooperation in other areas, like sports and culture, along with easier visa issuing procedures, have been welcomed by both sides. The trend has not been reversed by the recent developments, but undoubtedly it is no more moving at the same momentum as is evident from current conditions. A foreign secretary level meeting was called off by India after the Mumbai bomb blasts when New Delhi did not exactly accuse Pakistan, but did not hesitate to cast suspicion upon Islamabad. It implied, through several statements from the highest level, that Pakistan could be encouraging the outfits that New Delhi suspected to be the masterminds behind the explosions. Expectedly, Islamabad denied the charge saying that Pakistan itself was a victim of terrorism, and not an abettor. The Balucistan unrest is nothing new, but acquired a new dimension with the death of elderly politician and rebel leader Bugti in fighting with the security forces. India was not keen on the development when it said that problems, like the one in that province of Pakistan, should not be resolved through force. Not surprisingly, this invited a sharp reaction from Islamabad, which described the Indian position as amounting to interference in its internal affairs. Earlier, the unexpected expulsion of an Indian diplomat from Islamabad, and the tit-for-tat action against a Pakistani diplomat in New Delhi, introduced elements of bitterness in their ties. Following the postponement of the foreign secretaries meeting, contacts were established, both at ministerial and secretary level, between them in Dhaka on the fringes of the Saarc meetings. When things looked a little better, the Baluchistan situation gave another jolt -- though not a major one.

The present phase is not a happy one, although bilateral ties have not nose-dived. The rumbles of displeasure from both sides need to be contained for the sake of a healthy relationship on the one hand, and for the South Asian political climate on the other. Indo-Pakistan relations cannot be fully trouble-free, and such an expectation would be devoid of realism. The reasons are not far to seek. But a reasonably good relationship is imperative for healthy exchanges as well as for the success of collective endeavours aimed at the welfare and betterment of the region as a whole -- to which they are committed. Hopefully, India and Pakistan will set aside the misunderstandings as far as possible and revert to the process that characterized ties during the last three years.

Zaglul Ahmed Chowdhury is Foreign Editor of BSS.