It was to be a new beginning for a nation deeply divided by civil war and struggling to find peace and political stability. But the optimism has now faded as a gloom of uncertainty sets in. It is not the first time that Ivory Coast has witnessed political instability, but the present violence marks another stage in the slow and steady political breakdown in the country. How has a nation once a picture of calm and affluence transformed into a political nightmare? As we explore the past for answers, we get a glimpse of a nation that began with high expectations but has since faltered in discovering its own true potential.

In 1960, Ivory Coast gained its independence from French Colonial rule. But unlike other African nations, the transition from colonial rule to freedom was far less chaotic and unstable. The founding President, Felix Houphouet-Boigny of the Democratic Party of Côte d'Ivoire successfully governed under a one-party rule for almost thirty years in relative peace and calm.

In 1990, student demonstrations led to the first signs of a political shift with the opposition party being legally recognised and Ivory Coast holding its first multi-party elections. Houphouet-Boigny was once again re-elected and for a short while it seemed that Ivory Coast had returned to political tranquillity and prosperity.

The death of Houphouet-Boigny in 1993 led to a new leadership under Henri Konan Bedie. The political climate was changing and with it the fate of Ivory Coast. The new leadership was more repressive as corruption slowly seeped into various levels of society, a stark contrast from Houphouet-Boigny's moderate leadership of economic prosperity. By 1995, Ivory Coast had become a nation with a decaying political system and an economy in tatters.

It was in this disheartening time that Henri Konan Bedie introduced the concept of "Ivoirity." At first the concept encompassed a sense of shared cultural identity among the people, including the one third of the population who were foreigners, but it soon became a divisive concept that defined Ivorian nationalism to signify people from the south and east of Ivory Coast.

During the 1995 elections, violence erupted after a hastily drafted election law made it necessary for both parents of a candidate to have been born in Ivory Coast. This led to the disqualification of the former Prime Minister and opposition leader from the north Alassane Ouattara's candidature for President. The opposition finally boycotted the elections with an uncomfortable peace setting in. But as the history of the Ivory Coast would bear witness, peace had always been a transitory phase in a nation where violence was slowly becoming a way of life eroding the social fabric and economic success.

The four decades of stability were finally shattered by the 1999 military coup that led to General Robert Guei coming to power. But popular elections soon followed and General Guei lost his power as quickly as he had gained it. In October 2000, Laurent Gbagbo became the President. But peace remained elusive with political divisions running deep between the primarily Muslim north and the Christians in the south and west of the country.

In September 2002, a small uprising began by troops upset at being demobilised. Reports emerged that soldiers close to General Robert Guei in all probability had organised the rebellion. The rebels called themselves The Ivory Coast Patriotic Movement (MPCI) even though the government saw them as nothing more than deserters. At the same time, a coup began in Abidjan with the rebels hoping to take over the south as they had done in the north. But with time the mutiny became a large-scale expression of anger by northern Muslims.

Political rhetoric and discrimination had led to a divisive society where being Ivorian did not incorporate the whole nation but only people from the south and east. While these divisive ideas helped political aspirations to flourish they led to a steady disintegration of Ivorian social and economic structures. Therefore, conflict was inevitable. However, what seemed unexpected were the complex dimensions the conflict would take with no clear agenda as a number of issues merged to create an atmosphere of violence and dissent.

In due course of time, an illusionary peace was restored with President Gbagbo's government reluctantly accepting the terms of the agreement amidst anti-French demonstrations in Abidjan. The civil war had ended on a shaky compromise and an uncomfortable calm had descended on the chaos. France was able to successfully bring a temporary peace but the reality still remains that the democratic institutions of the political system had collapsed and the voice of the people had become a deafening silence. The lack of imaginative economic planning has meant less opportunities and lack of expectations for the future. Therefore, the peace initiative seemed unbalanced as it focused on bringing the violence to an end but failed to address the premises that fuelled discontent and conflict.

The basic political system has remained the same with the controversial election law very much in place and terms of the peace agreement in large part unfulfilled. An important aspect of the agreement is the disarmament of the rebels. However, the rebels now known as New Forces (FN) refused to disarm as they believed that the Cô

te d'Ivoire national army (FANCI) itself had violated the disarmament clause. The fragile power sharing government was slowly coming apart. In the meantime, two new rebel groups have emerged -- The Movement for Justice and Peace (MJP) and The Ivorian Popular Movement of the Great West (MPIGO). Gradually, the negotiations and the niceties of adjustment were giving way to hostilities.

The international community by and large has been a silent but uneasy spectator to the conflict in the Ivory Coast. However, France, a former colonial ruler has chosen to actively intervene in the conflict to protect its almost 20,000 French nationals living in the country, as well as its economic interests. Since the 1960s, a French military base has been maintained in Abidjan and French business investments are extensive across the country. France initiated the Kleber Agreement at Linas-Marcoussis to bring peace between the rebels and the government. The agreement created a power sharing government in which President Gbagbo retained power while the rebels were given the crucial defence and interior ministries. Peacekeepers from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) along with 4,000 French soldiers created a sort of peace line to prevent further confrontation between the warring groups.

In November 2004, the fighting once again resumed with Bouake being bombarded by government forces. Two days later, nine French soldiers were killed and another 39 wounded. France was swift to respond by destroying Sukhoi fighter-bombers and helicopters belonging to the Ivorian air force. The airport of Abidjan was taken over by French troops as France sent additional 600 troops to support its stationed army along with 6,000 UN peacekeepers kept to maintain law and order. But the large presence has done little to calm the situation. Anti-white violence fuelled by political rhetoric has led many expatriate Westerners, mostly French to leave Ivory Coast. Properties have been plundered and several cases of rape, beating, and even murder have been reported in many areas.

The situation remains far from calm as the nation struggles to find a sense of stability amidst the chaos. The recent eruption of violence has led the UN Security Council with the support of the African Union to impose an instant arms embargo on Ivory Coast, whereby neither the government nor the rebels can import new weapons. However, there is a need for a better and more concrete response from the international community. The conflict in the Ivory Coast has not managed to keep the world's attention even though it has international repercussions as the world's foremost cocoa, palm oil, and coffee producer, with the third-largest economy in sub-Saharan Africa. Peace initiatives are now being made at a regional level with South African President Thabo Mbeki as an African Union emissary making efforts to bring the different sides to the negotiating table to reach a compromise.

Peace seems almost impossible, yet there has to be the belief that it is achievable. The present initiative by the African Union can change the course of tomorrow with a renewed optimism and peace. But till then the future of the Ivory Coast hangs in the balance -- torn between a past it cannot leave behind and a present in turmoil.

Fatima Chowdhury is a freelance contributor to The Daily Star.