It is not that the women leaders were caught totally unawares at this measure of the government. In fact they had a positive smell of this design of the chief ruling party. They left no stone unturned to dissuade the BNP stalwarts from passing such a black law. Hot entreaties were directed to them. Finding these were not working well the advocates of women's freedom and progress intensified demonstration, protest rallies, human chains formation etc news of which came in the media quite favourably.

The pioneers of women movements gave representation a number of times to the law and parliamentary affairs minister barrister Moudud Ahmed. He received them well, talked politely and sometimes admitted he was not unconvinced of the cause of the women organisations. But he said there were practical difficulties to implement the wishes of the women leaders as his party's decision went otherwise and it was compulsive on him to obey the party mandate.

In the meeting of Bangladesh parliament journalist association (BPJA) held on May 13, 2004 the minister repeated the same view without caring how it aggravated miseries of eminent women leaders present there nursing a hope against hope to hear something different from his mouth. In that meeting the former law and parliamentary affairs minister Abdul Matin Khosru of Awami League vehemently opposed the bill terming it as a gross violation of human rights. Ironically enough, when he himself tabled the bill in 2001 he did not propose for direct election to reserved seats. He only proposed extension of existing law for another ten years. This proposal, however, passed off without enactment as the AL-led government had not the required majority in the house to effect an amendment to the constitution.

Instead of speaking on the merit of the bill law minister Moudud Ahmed threw all weight to counter the opinion of his immediate predecessor. Thus the core issue practically went lost in the fray between the present and immediate past ministers both practically being birds of the same feather capable of playing absolutely contradictory roles in power and out of power.

Moudud Ahmed hinted more of the decision of his party to carry the bill. He was better to convince the women leaders of the causes that led his party to arrive at this decision. The minister told he could not go against party mandate. This limitation exposes a basic flaw in the constitution. It speaks of a need to amend article 70 of the constitution practically to free conscience of the lawmakers found mortgaged to the party.

How does a political party arrive at a decision? It is presumed that threadbare discussions are held by partymen on the issue particularly when it relates to matter of public importance. Who did take part in the discussions that led to recommend for nomination of female lawmakers? Did it not take notice that the BNP was pledge-bound to provide for direct election to reserved seats of women?

Moudud Ahmed said that there were practical problems to hold direct election. He asked the women leaders how could they arrange the fund required to contest a poll. It was hinted around taka five crore for each candidate. Keeping aside the question of legality of expending this amount grossly contravening the expenditure ceiling fixed by the election commission, this must have posed a genuine difficulty. The question is when BNP put on its election manifesto a commitment to holding direct election to seats of women did that problem of money remain out of place? Or was that merely a cheap slogan meant for lip-service?

It is intriguing to guess how the candidates, male or female, could bear this staggering expenditure. It limits party tickets to be awarded mostly to industrialists, business magnates, rich men. It instigates the lawmakers to dip their hands in corrupt practices to realise their investment with interest and profit. Reality having come to such a pass what sense does it make to talk about fighting corruption from the body-politic of Bangladesh?

In developing countries, to emancipate women from all round bondages in social, political, economic arenas, political empowerment of women is a must. In the past credulous women community relied mostly on counterpart male sect for achieving freedom and an honourable status, if not equality with men, in society. That illusion is gone. Women have by now realised that even the best of men could not digest their women to be rising to at par with men. This is an ingrained prejudice in male psyche. Women have now formed their own organisations, headed by themselves free from male domination and supervision, to lead their movement. This is one step forward for women to reach their goal.

Almost half of our population is women. Characteristically both the chairpersons of two major political parties are ladies. Still a pledged right of direct election to women seats in the parliament is denied. Doesn't it sound like a paradox? The fact is that majority of women of Bangladesh are illiterate, living in rural areas, and cannot think of contradicting male counterparts. Even a good section of highly educated women residing in cities enjoy being ruled by their male masters. Further, the chairpersons of two major political parties do not feel that urge to upgrade their womenfolk equalising them with men. In political transactions perhaps they do not have that much care or concern for the leaders and activists of their own sex and apply almost all attention to male leaders and workers.

In Bangladesh women, particularly in higher stations, have progressed a lot in the field of education, technology, prestigious professions, NGOs. Our women leaders demanded direct election because it would thrash out efficient and popular female candidates, give them a stamp of authority and genuineness and encourage them to work with confidence and credibility and above all free them from pity and tutelage of male leaders. It is a question of asking men to acknowledge women's dignity and independent entity.

The alliance government passed the bill for fourteenth amendment to the constitution by use of brute majority in the house. The BNP broke its own promise and scored another minus point. The strong sentiments of women organisations, civil society, various socio-political organisations, cultural bodies and above all the main opposition Awami League were brutally ignored. Any amendment to the constitution should be based on national consensus. Otherwise, the nation may be harmed. Further, with the reversal of political fortune the amendment may be done away with.

The bill got through the assembly by 226-01 votes. There was only one vote against the bill that came from Bangabir Kader Siddiki. Amusingly, even the Jatiya Party (E) lawmakers present in the session voted in favour of the bill as opposed to their earlier criticism of the bill and open declaration to protest its passage. It is learnt that the Jatiya Party (E) lawmakers were gained over at the last moment. They reportedly bartered their vote in exchange for assurance from the main ruling party to slacken pending cases against the party chief Ershad and to pay some other facilities to the party members. It epitomises how often ruling parties use the stick and the carrot policy.

Visibly distraught the women leaders have urged women activists of all political parties to refuse to take nomination to reserved seats in the parliament for the sake of protecting the honour of women community. Women leaders have warned to boycott both the taker and giver of such nomination. They have reiterated that women's movement will continue to surge ahead. However, meanwhile hectic lobbying among the lady leaders and workers of the main ruling party to obtain nomination to reserved seats has started off.

A R Shamsul Islam is retired Principal, Govt Mohila College, Pabna.