Celebrations and congratulations are, therefore, in order on this day in Bangladesh. It may be mentioned that the process that led to the international recognition of 21st February as the International Mother Language Day was effectively initiated by a group of Canada-based Mother Language lovers from different nations, including two Bangladeshis named Rafiqul Islam and Abdus Salam, by petitioning the United Nations. What a coincidence: we have here two persons by the names of Rafique and Salam again. However, for action to be taken by the UN, a proposal needed to be formally made by a member state. The opportunity was seized with great determination by the then Bangladesh Prime Minister and Education Minister. Their determined and timely move culminated in the adoption of the resolution to establish 21st February as the International Mother Language Day by the UNESCO General Conference on 17 November 1999.

But celebrations cannot be enough. The 21st February no longer belongs to Bangladesh alone, it is also the whole world's. But since it is our Mother Language Day that was the basis for this international glory accorded to the date, we must carry the responsibility imposed on us, as a result, with dignity. This means ensuring that every citizen of the country has equitable access to education, enlightenment, and economic and social progress.

But how things are in Bangladesh with respect to economic, political, and social environment? Indeed, Bangladesh was born into the promise of a society that would provide equal opportunities to all its citizens in respect of all aspects of human living. This has been enshrined in the Constitution of Bangladesh.

In the economic arena, there has been some progress in terms of overall economic growth and per capita income growth, but the country remains least developed and progress achieved in relation to poverty reduction has been limited. Today, on the basis of basic needs calculation, half the population of the country is poor, significantly down from the 1970s and 1980s in proportional terms. But, the number of the poor people is currently 68 million, a number close to the total population of the country at the time of Liberation. Unemployment is rampant both among illiterate and literate people, particularly in rural areas. Also, the large proportion of the employed population is engaged in urban informal and rural sectors, in which wages and salaries are low. On the other hand, a tiny proportion of the population which is in control of the affairs of the state and the economy has done very well and lives in luxury and style. Indeed, the disparity between this group and the poor and deprived is glaring and increasing.

The poor are poor because they do not have opportunities of enhancing their capabilities through proper education, training, and healthcare and of improving their economic conditions through self-employment, wage employment, and ownership of assets. They also do not have access to dominant political and social processes. They are the excluded, the downtrodden. The rich are rich not always because they have legitimately acquired their income and wealth. The processes through which many of them have become rich are characterised by corruption and black money. The political power has also been achieved by many on the basis of money and muscle power, with the money power having been acquired through corruption and even criminal activities. Above all, there are collaborative arrangements among the various power groups, which are mutually beneficial and strengthen their individual and collective socio-economic and political power.

In the political arena, confrontation is the order of the day. There is no tolerance for the views of others, no respect for anybody who holds different points of view. Political opposition is not at all tolerated. The police assault on elected representatives is condoned, even no regret is expressed by the power that be. In my understanding, people's representatives enjoy certain privileges and should be shown due respect. The non-conformists among intellectuals and other social groups are sought to be managed and, if that is not possible, their work, life, and living are made difficult.

But, at present, the greatest challenge that the nation faces relates to security of life and property. Deaths by road accidents, killings by anti-social elements, political killings, violence of various forms, violence against women, toll collection from business people and others, mugging, and dacoity at homes, banks, and shops and business houses are now commonplace. Newspapers are full of such horror stories almost everyday. The picture is not only highly depressing but also one that signifies unfolding social disintegration.

In respect of all crimes including political killings and killings by perpetrators of violence, seemingly political patronage ensures that no action is taken against the killers and criminals, provided they are one way or another within the fold of the ruling parities. There is no guarantee of life and property on roads, at homes, at shops, anywhere at all; and the situation is fast deteriorating. A rising tide of political and economic criminalisation has become the order of the day, law and order condition is awful and deteriorating, corruption is pervasive, sanity has taken the back seat, fairness and tolerance have virtually disappeared, and the rule of law is in disarray. The government's response to this fast deteriorating social environment seems to be to blame the opposition for all ills. Seiging of opposition party offices and merciless beating up of opposition political leaders and workers by police in what we claim to be a democratic society are clearly undemocratic but what is more disturbing is that these acts are reminiscent of modes of behaviour under past colonial and autocratic rules.

The overall situation appears to be fast acquiring similarity to Nero's Rome. The process of social disintegration in Bangladesh is assuming alarming proportions. It is the government's primary responsibility to find a socially acceptable way of stopping the rot. The responsibility cannot be avoided by blaming the opposition. It is also important that political parties in opposition behave responsibly. But, in an environment characterised by the Nero syndrome, behaving responsibly may very well mean for various opposition political parties and others concerned that the only option available to them is to unite and act together to find the way out.

Can one cherish violent political confrontations? Certainly not. Indeed, no one in his/her right mind can cherish it. But regarding how things may evolve, much will depend on how the government approaches the unfolding scenario. The government may seek to achieve conciliation or add more fuel to accentuate confrontation. If the government opted for a conciliatory approach, the starting point can be the following, as The Daily Star editorial on 14 February 2004 says: "We must remind the BNP and its leaders that ....if their 46 per cent [of the votes] gives them legitimacy to rule then AL's 41 per cent entitles them to receive all the respect and dignity of a party that enjoys that many voters' confidence". Otherwise, people may have to brace themselves for the unfolding Nero syndrome to play out, whatever the outcome.

Dr. Qazi Kholiquzzaman Ahmad is President, Bangladesh Economic Association (BEA), and Chairman, Bangladesh Unnayan Parishad (BUP) Views expressed are the writer's own.